|No. 189 (Vol. XLVIII, No.1) Autumn 2005
|| Manabu TAKENO, "The Formation of the Sugar Industry in Colonial Karafuto:
The Relationship between the 'Regional Development' of the Japanese Sugar
Industry and Agricultural Emigration"
The beet sugar industry began in the mid-1930s in Karafuto (South Sakhalin). Previous studies have argued that the Karafuto Sugar Company was short of beet supplies because Karafuto farmers preferred to cultivate more profitable crops. However, upon careful analysis of the agricultural policy of the Agency of Karafuto, the business of the Karafuto Sugar Company, and the management of farms, this description is found to be incorrect. The aim of this article is to revise this conventional understanding, and offer a more accurate description.
The encouragement of beet cultivation marked a change in the Agency's agricultural policy, which was previously against commercial cultivation by farmers. By supporting the Sugar Company, the Agency planned to create a stable market for beets, to let farmers earn managerial capital. However, this plan was not realized when the sugar company developed the dairy industry to complete the Karafuto model of agriculture, which combines beet cultivation and cow herding. The sugar company expected large-sized cow herding farmers to be their main suppliers of beets, but the company's dairy business unintentionally shifted them from crop cultivation to dairy farming. Therefore, for their beet supply, the sugar company was forced to rely on small-sized farmers without cows, who could not really take advantage of the Karafuto model of agriculture.
The paradox of the sugar industry in Karafuto is made more obvious when we compare it with other colonies of the Japanese Empire. Comparison with Korea, Manchuria and Nan-yo (Japanese colonial Micronesia) shows that the sugar industry in Karafuto is characterized by two points: the sugar company operated both sugar manufacturing and dairy business together, and the supply of their materials was predominately unstable. Furthermore, as with Nan-yo, the history of the sugar industry in Karafuto should be understood in the context of modern Japanese emigration. Because the improvement of the standard of living was regarded as the main incentive for Japanese emigrants, the sugar industry was encouraged as a part of the agricultural emigrant policy both in Karafuto and Nan-yo. Thus, there was a close relationship between the sugar industry and agricultural emigration in modern Japan.
| Tachihiko MASUDA, "Strike Regulations and the 'Reorganization Problem'
of the Socialist Trade Unions in Weimar Germany"
Reorganizing craft unions by industry had been discussed before Imperial Germany. This issue was proposed at the national congress of Socialist Trade Unions in 1922, and accepted. The new scheme was intended to solve "the problem of mixed enterprises," where plural affiliated national unions had their branches, and the difficulty of coordinating a variety of interests was apparent. This problem was generally considered as a cause of weakness in the labour movement. At the same time, it had also generally been accepted that each union should have its own autonomy and that the autonomy of national unions would assure their solidarity. Unions' mainstream executives preferred this autonomy to introducing the new scheme immediately.
This paper analyzes the contents of the strike regulations and follows the zig-zag course of discussion to clarify the importance of "the reorganization problem" in Weimar Germany in the history of the German labour movement. The regulationsf original aim was to prohibit district committees from supporting and financing wild-cat strikes. In the course of making the draft, union executives attached one additional aim to the draft, which indicated the method to unify the various interests in "mixed enterprises." This second aim is considered to be the hidden aim of the executives, that is, to block the approval of the new scheme for industrial unions at the 1922 congress. The regulation was proposed at the congress, and was approved there about 3 months later because the reorganization had paved the way for solving the problem in mixed enterprises.
These matters showed the existence of a consensus that the problem in mixed@enterprises was to be solved in the Socialist Trade Unions at that time. Although mixed enterprises had existed since before World War 1, this problem was exacerbated since the November Pact, in which employers agreed to recognize the trade unions as equal contracting partners. Therefore, "the reorganization problem" in Weimar Germany should be distinguished from that which existed before World War 1.
| Takahiro OHATA, "The Formation of GHQ's Control Policy for the Productive Capacity of the Cotton Spinning Industry in Japan, 1946-1947: An Analysis of the Policy-Making Process"
In June 1946, in the Economic and Scientific Section (ESS) of GHQ/SCAP, the Textile Division (TD) was founded for the purpose of supervising the textile industries in Japan. The policy-making system concerning the cotton spinning industry, which the TD had established by the beginning of 1947, was the mechanism, first, through which the TD controlled the Japanese government, spinners' association, firms and factories, and second, by which the Japanese could communicate almost freely with the TD in a written or verbal manner. Through that system the TD informed the Japanese of its issued directives and obtained information concerning imported cottons, and the Japanese submitted their reports and made requests to the GHQ. The components of this system united themselves mainly because of their common interest in imported cotton.
In 1946-1947, through this system, the TD's control policy for the productive capacity of the cotton spinning industry was established in the following procedure: 1. the Japanese submitted requests to the ESS, 2. the TD drew up plans, 3. The TD procured the approval of the other Sections and Divisions, and coordinated with the Japanese, and 4. the TD issued directives to the Japanese. Thus, the control policy that was ultimately established reflected many Japanese ideas. In the establishment of the policy, there were three main phases: first, the TD issued SCAPIN1512, which limited the productive capacity of the Japanese spinners to 4,000,000 spindles. Second, the TD approved the request that the "Big Ten" spinners be allowed to keep all of their presently owned cotton spindles. Third, the TD authorized independent spinners to enter into the industry.
|No. 188 (Vol. XLVII, No.4) Summer 2005
Seiko SUGIYAMA, "Characteristics of the Mortality Crises in the Setouchi
Region, 1772-1867: The Evidence from a Temple Death Register"
This paper aims to analyze the mortality crises in the Setouchi region that occurred in the late Edo period. While it is clear that a great number of deaths, or so-called mortality crises, occurred in the late Edo period due to famine and disease, little is known about the characteristics of the mortality crises, such as the patterns of mortality according to sex, age, and seasonal cycle. As a case study of mortality crises, I investigated the temple death registry (kako-cho), in the village of Kurose.
In sum, the major characteristics of the mortality crises are as follows:
1) Eleven mortality crisis years occurred in 1772-1867. Mortality crises occurred frequently in the Setouchi region, even though it was one of the most developed regions of Japan, after the Kinki region.
2) In recent studies, the impact of the Tempo famine is regarded as relatively small, from the perspective of population dynamics. Although the Tempo famine was only one of the mortality crisis years, however, the impact it had on communities was severe. The Tempo famine was apparently different from other crisis years because of the high rate of adult mortality. In other crisis years, the impact on communities was limited, from the point view of the number of deaths and the age pattern of mortality.
3) All mortality crisis years in Kurose village involved disease epidemics, and the characteristics of the epidemics determined the characteristics of the mortality crisis, for instance, regarding the pattern of age, month, or sex of deaths. In addition, child mortality was always high. Therefore, if the epidemic spread to adults, the impact of the mortality crisis was considerably more severe.
4) The mortality pattern in the late Edo period is characterized by the great number of deaths of children, and this trend was observed in all mortality crisis years. I should emphasize that the number of deaths of children had a great impact on the total number of deaths in the late Edo period.
| Masahiko AKATSU, "The Air Pollution Problem in Mid-19th Century Britain:
The Smoke Prohibition Bill of 1844"
After the Industrial Revolution, mid-19th century Britain experienced such serious air pollution due to the smoke generated by the combustion of coal used for industries that it required some form of social response. Scholars have argued that only humanitarian landlords pushed for the enactment of the Smoke Prohibition Bill of 1844, and that the Bill was thwarted by the general resistance of industrial capitalists, who believed in Laissez-faire ideals. This paper, however, will throw light on factory ownersf participation in smoke regulation, and follow the process in which the Bill was rejected, not by the confrontation between landowners and industrialists, but by differences of factory ownersf interests with regards to the regulation.
In mid-19th century Britain air pollution was recognized in most manufacturing towns as something that damaged not only rich proprietorsf real estate and properties, but also town laborers' health. Moreover, even many textile factory owners who caused the smoke nuisance were aware of the damage to their own business and properties. In response to such awareness, many landlords and humanitarian politicians, seeking relief for laborers, became promoters for nationwide smoke control. However, some industrialists in connection with the textile industry also played an important role in the promotion of smoke control. Moreover, smoke prevention technologies at that time, which not only could reduce smoke but also save fuel, enabled state interference that wouldnft go against the profit principle of manufacturers. And, the national importance of saving coal was also emphasized, as coal had been recognized as a limited and precious national wealth. Consequently, a strict smoke regulation bill drafted by a large cotton mill owner was presented to Parliament by a humanitarian landlord. The bill, however, was weakened by the disparity in financial strength between large and minor manufacturers, and was rejected due to the conflict of interest between textile factory owners and iron masters or collieries, for whom fuel saving, one of the grounds of the smoke prevention regulation, could not be easily implemented. Nationwide smoke regulation, therefore, suffered a setback due to the confrontation between industrialists. The disclosure of such problems, however, was important in that it made future Parliament turn to steadier measures, taking full consideration of the differences between industries and regions.
| Takeshi NISHIMURA, "The Transformation of the Currency System in the Straits Settlements, 1893~1913"
Between 1893 and 1913, the currency system of the Straits Settlements was transformed from one based on the silver standard to one based on the gold-exchange standard, and became part of the international gold standard framework, which had London as its center. In 1903, following the recommendation of the final report of the Currency Committee chaired by D. Barbour, the Straits Settlements Government abandoned the silver standard. Three years later, it fixed the Straits dollar at a higher-than-previous rate of 2s 4d (2 shillings, 4 pence) per dollar, to guarantee that the currency in circulation would not be disturbed by the rise of silver prices. Thus, a new system, based on the gold-exchange standard, was created.
In 1899 the Straits Settlements Government began issuing government notes, which were immediately accepted and circulated. By 1910 they constituted about one half of all currencies in circulation, while the circulation of the silver dollar inside the Settlements sharply declined. By shortly before 1913, the majority of currencies in circulation were government notes and subsidiary coins.
The currency system of the Straits Settlements was not only implemented in the areas legally decreed to utilize it, such as the Federated Malay States and the State of Johor, but was also informally adopted in areas closely connected to the colony, such as the rest of Malay Peninsula, East Sumatra and the southern part of Siam. The colonyfs silver coins had traditionally circulated widely in these areas, although neither government notes nor gold coins, which were circulated within the colony, were readily accepted there. The newly minted 1903 Straits dollar was also widely accepted in these surrounding areas. However, in response to the international fluctuations of silver prices, the Government decided to fix the Straits dollar at a higher rate in 1906. At the same time, it decided to debase the silver content of the Straits coin by 25 per cent, in order to prevent the coins from being melted down for ingot. As a result, the new Straits silver dollar became unacceptable as the currency in the surrounding areas. Instead, their own currencies came to be used, and the Straits silver dollar rapidly disappeared from these areas. Concurrently, the silver dollar was replaced by government notes inside the colony. The currency system in South-east Asia as a whole thus came to be reorganized, in accordance with territorial boundaries.
Yoshihiro ADACHI, "From Land Reform to Collectivization in Post WWII
East German Villages: Mecklenburg-Vorpommern 1945-1961"
The process of moving from land reform to collectivization is a fundamental part of the social formation of rural socialism in Post-War East Germany. Analyzing only the political process in Berlin produces an incomplete picture, particularly when thinking about the diversity of collectivization in villages. The purpose of this paper is to clarify the process of restructuring the villages in Mecklenburg-Vorpommern between 1945-1961. Above all, it focuses on 1) the rural social structure, which differs between new and old farming villages, 2) the problems of rural refugees from the eastern territories, and 3) conflicts around buildings, such as barns and houses, within the villages.
First, in the new farmer village, where land reform had actually lead to social chaos, collectivization was one of the measures used to resolve this situation. In analyzing the case of Kreis Bad Doberan, we find two different paths to forming LPGs (Landwirtschaftliche Produktionsgenossenschaften) in the 1950s. In the case of Diedrichshagen, a former milkerfs group, a minority in the village, founded an LPG for the purpose of reconstructing their former dairy farms. For that they intended to retain the material resources of the village such as barns. However, they failed in this attempt due to the effects of the June 17, 1953 Uprising, and this resulted in the dissolution of the LPG. On the other hand, Althof offers a successful example of an LPG, as they developed their organization to protect against the effects of June 17 Uprising. Althoffs status as a model collective farm enabled it to succeed in obtaining capital funds for building a new modern barn.
Second, in the old farmer village, in addition to the influx of refugees, the policy against "Gro?bauern" in 1952-1953 had a significant impact on the social structure. It is important that others in the village agreed to the purge of "Gro?bauern". The Hohenfelde LPG founded in 1953 by the group of new refugee farmers was based on the rich material resources of a broken-down "Gro?bauern". Taking the village farm (?LB) in 1955 caused the expansion of the LPG and the change of its inner structure, associated with the appearance of new rural technocrats outside the village. The family members of "Gro?bauern" who remained in the village adapted to this situation through marriage, joining the LPG, and taking jobs in the MTS.
|No. 187 (Vol. XLVII, No.3) Spring 2005
|| Kazuyuki IWASA, "Urban Formation and Korean Migrant Workers in Pre-war
Recently, the globalization of labor migration has been an important issue worldwide, as well as in Japan, where many researchers and policy makers argue over the future acceptance of foreign workers from developing countries. However, the acceptance of foreign workers is by no means new in Japan. Historically, Japan experienced a labor inflow from Korea under colonialism, and until now Korean immigrants and their offspring have been characterized as an "invisible" part of a multi-ethnic Japanese society. This paper analyzes the immigration of Korean workers during the pre-war period as the first stage of the globalization of labor in Japan. I focus on Osaka-city, the most populous destination for Korean immigrants. Through this historical analysis, I attempt to clarify the socioeconomic roles of Korean immigrants in Japanese capitalist development.
The major implications derived from this study are as follows: first, Koreans were the most displaced ethnic group during the pre-war period, and about half of all displaced Koreans emigrated to Japan, with Osaka becoming the most populous destination for Koreans after the 1920s. Such "diasporas" brought about tremendous effects for both Japan and Korea. Second, the massive inflow of Korean workers was strongly influenced by the urban development of Osaka. In Osaka, industrial production and international trade/investment developed dramatically, and Osaka had become the largest city in Japan by the 1920s. This urbanization process created a labor demand, with urban socioeconomic and spatial restructuring, and Koreans were incorporated as the core of the labor force. As a result, Osaka developed into a multi-ethnic metropolis. Third, this immigration inflow had a significant impact on the urban structure. Korean workers were mainly absorbed into three sectors: (1) the labor-intensive industrial sector, (2) the construction sector, and (3) the urban informal sector. Moreover, this process brought about a polarization of the labor market and spatial segregation within Osaka. Fourth, under this process, Korean immigrants stayed longer and established themselves in society as a permanent labor force in Osaka. Koreans gradually established and managed households, formed mutual help networks, and built immigrant communities in the urban periphery. Furthermore, Korean managers also began to appear, and they created capital-labor relationships among Koreans. Such a process became the prototype of the postwar society of ethnic Korean residents in Japan.
| Fujio MIZUOKA, "International Boundaries and the Restructuring of Class Relations in Asia under the Global Economy: An Approach from Economic Geography"
An economic or social agency needs to place itself in its own spatial container, or territory, by bounding the contiguity of subsumed pristine absolute space. However, the boundary circumscribing the territory inevitably has physical and institutional porosity. In order to maintain the integrity of the agency, the porosity has to be controlled by the agency dominating the territory. The agency may allow or deny elements of society or economy passing through the boundary, in order to bring the configuration and functioning of its economy and society to the optimum. For an independent sovereign nation, the spatial container means its national territory, and the control of the institutional porosity of its international boundary is done through its immigration or customs regulations.
Under contemporary globalism, the boundary becomes a contested terrain between the hegemonic nation and subservient sovereign nations, as well as between capital and labour. In order to exercise hegemony, the United States demands that other subservient nations give up control of their boundaries, and open up to the will of such international organisations as the IMF or the WTO, so that multinational industrial and speculative capital can freely move across the globe. As for labour migration, international boundaries are made less porous, and labour is normally confined within a nation. High-income sovereign nations control the porosity of international boundaries so that the inflow of labour from low-income nations optimizes the configuration of their labour markets. Multinational capital is glad to exploit differences in wage rates of various spatially confined labour markets across the globe, under the new principle of the international division of labour and product cycles. Labour, on the contrary, tries to overcome this spatial confinement by attempting to permeate through the physical porosity and become 'illegal immigrants' in the country on the other side of the border. Many of them are then forced to work in sweatshops and are subjected to the worst kind of exploitation.
A typical case demonstrating this spatial relation is found in the 'touch-base policy' engineered by the British Hong Kong government between 1974-1980. In the late 1960s and early 1970s, Hong Kong experienced frequent labour disputes with anti-British demands under the influence of the Cultural Revolution in the PRC. The 'touch-base policy' gave resident status and work permits to PRC Chinese who managed to reach the 'base'?Kowloon or Hong Kong Island?where most of the employment opportunities existed, while 'illegal' migrants found and arrested in the New Territories were repatriated. 71% of the successful illegal migrants from the PRC were of the age 15-24, which is the most appropriate for work in factories or on construction sites. Statistical evidence shows that when the 'touch-base policy' was in effect, a stunning parallel relationship existed between the inflow of both legal and illegal migrants from the PRC and the number of days lost in labour disputes, and a negative relationship between the inflow and the unemployment rates was also manifest (figure 3). This indicates that there was tacit government control over the in-migration of labour from the PRC in order to control the supply-demand situation of the labour market and concomitant labour disputes. A neo-liberalist Milton Friedman once commented that British Hong Kong was a typical case of successful laissez-faire policy and minimal government intervention; yet the evidence suggests that it was, in fact, subtle intervention to free competition that really brought success to the Hong Kong economy. The ideological nature of the neo-liberalist conception of globalism is thus obvious.
Katsuhiro SHIMIZU, "The Exclusion, Separation and Integration of Immigrants
and Foreign Laborers in France from the End of the 19th Century to the
Since the age of the industrial revolution, industrialization in France has depended heavily on immigrants and foreign labor, and their integration has become a major social problem. Consequently, the French case may be considered an early precedent of the globalization of laborers.
G. Noiriel, whose work 'The French Melting Pot' is the starting point of studies on the history of immigrants and foreign laborers in France, criticizes French historians for considering the problem to be simply the integration of foreigners into French society, as constituted at the time of the French Revolution. Noiriel realizes that the elimination of different cultures and the abandonment of national identities also must be examined. Based on his view and recent works on the history of immigrants, in this paper we outline the conditions of foreign laborers, examine the process of elimination-integration, and consider the segmentation-assimilation of foreign laborers within the working class in France.
Our examination of the French case draws three conclusions: first, in France foreign laborers make up 10-15% of the labor population, and the elimination of their different cultures, which begins at the end of the 19th century, is intensified between the two world wars. Second, in spite of the great influx and efflux of foreign laborers, a significant number take root in French society. Finally, within the working class, the first generation immigrants tend to stay at the bottom of the labor market, but as subsequent generations gradually get higher positions, the second generation tends to fuse into a new working class with French laborers.
Yasushi IGUCHI, "Migration Policy and Regional Integration in the
EU: Will the EU Change Its Course?"
Having realized a single European market and monetary unification, as well as the enlargement to include Central and Eastern European countries, the EU is now focusing on increasing its competitiveness and changing its migration policies in the face of a declining population from 2010.
The European Commission is in charge of taking the initiative for the harmonization of migration policies, based upon the Treaty of Amsterdam. However, there are currently no conditions that the core countries (such as Germany and France) agree on, due to their different speeds of fertility decline, high unemployment rates and differences in the adaptability of their education systems. EU member states have been adapting their migration policies for foreigners from outside the EU based on three principles: 1) selection and programming of the flow of migrants, 2) strengthening social integration, and 3) the mitigation of "push" factors in the countries of origin. Policies to cope with global competition for highly skilled workers in the late 1990s, however, were not as successful as in the US.
Germanyfs New Immigration Act was an important attempt to change this. However, in the course of compromise between the coalition and the opposition parties, the New Immigration Act lost its active components. If the EU succeeds in adopting a more active migration policy to attract qualified foreigners from outside, it may affect Asia, as Asia is the largest sending region of highly skilled workers. Japan should take initiatives for human resource development and circulation in this region, so that Asian countries will be more able to utilize their human resources for the development of Asia itself.
Jaehyang HAN, "The Industrial Dynamics of Korean-owned Enterprises
in the Kyoto Traditional Textile Trade"
Enterprises owned and managed by Korean-Japanese, who constitute the largest ethnic minority in Japanese society, have tended to focus their business activities in certain specific industries. This paper examines the inter- and intra-industry dynamics behind the concentration of their economic domains. In particular, I clarify the historical reasons for the considerable entry of ethnic Korean-owned firms into the Nishijin kimono manufacturing trade in Kyoto, which is considered one of the symbolic businesses of traditional Japanese beauty. I then investigate the economic and social mechanisms through which Korean businesses, such as those in Kyoto, have transferred their resources from declining industries to growing ones.
After World War II, Korean businesses entered the Kyoto textile trades by utilizing resources that they had accumulated within their ethnic community. The community functioned as a facilitator of business opportunities, through informal information networks. Once the enterprises were established, however, they did not maintain any special relationships among themselves, and they actually competed against each other, while they conducted regular transactions with the mainstream Japanese business community. Each firm nurtured its own competitiveness, and consequently they each exhibited different rates of growth and profitability.
The ethnic networks, however, initially played a significant role in directing the entry of ethnic Koreans into certain industries. Moreover, the same mechanism played a role in the expeditious exit of those textile companies from their declining businesses. Once again, ethnic information networks facilitated the shift of economic activities, this time towards the pinball amusement industry, which has become the most representative industry of ethnic Koreans in Japan to this day. In sum, the ethnic community acted as an active agent which made the barriers of entry, exit, and mobility between industries much lower for the ethnic Korean community in Japan.
|No. 186 (Vol. XLVII, No.2) Winter 2005
|| Yukiteru OHGURI, "The Formation of a 60 Hectare-Landlord Family and its Finance Business"
By 1924, in the rural district of Mashiko, Tochigi Prefecture, the property holdings of the moneylending Kato family had grown to 60 hectares. This study aims to clarify when and how they established their status as large landlords and moneylenders. I focus on the stability of their holdings as large landlords, and the significance of their credit financing between 1890 and 1910.
In the 1870s the Katos were moneylenders with only 3 hectares of tenanted land. After the recovery of debts in the 1880s, however, they emerged in 1890 with holdings of 35 hectares, or 10 thousand yen in regal land value. Though some historians consider landowners holding over 10 thousand yen in land value at that time to be large landlords, the Kato familyfs land acquisition was too recent for them to be ranked as large landlords. Moreover, the yields from their tenanted lands were low for the former moneylender. Even in the 1890s, they faced the possibility of borrowers redeeming or repurchasing pawned land. Villagersf purchases and sales of land up to 1890 were only half of the land transactions which occurred in the Meiji era (1868-1912). By 1910, the Kato family had established their status as large landlords, when their land holdings stabilized at 50 hectares. This process was a part of the formation of large landholdings in Tochigi prefecture.
In the 1870s the Kato family met the stratified fund demands of the residents of ten neighboring villages (small sums for peasants within the village, large sums for businessmen and prosperous farmers outside of the village) by lending some seven thousand yen at interest rates of 20 to 25%. The familyfs assets grew by 20% or so annually, but their financing activities shrank due to deflation in the 1880s. However, between 1890 and 1910 they developed again by meeting the needs of borrowers such as manufacturers, merchants (including Mashiko potteries), and successful farmers (peasants often failed to redeem their mortgages, as they did in 1880s). With the loan of 40 thousand yen in 1905, credit financing became the familyfs main source of income, together with their tenanted land. As interest rates on such low-risk lending dropped to under 15%, their asset growth fell to under 10% annually. The Kato familyfs moneylending business illustrates that throughout the Meiji era, when local banking was yet undeveloped, landlordsf financial activities helped stimulate rural industrial development.
| Rie SOFUE, "The British Shipbuilding Industry and the Entry of South Korea's Hyundai Group into the Shipbuilding Business: A British Shipbuilders' Overseas Shipbuilding Technology Transfer Strategy, and Its Failure"
In the early 1970s, the South Korean business group Hyundai entered the shipbuilding business by introducing technology from a shipbuilder in the U.K. The business records of the shipbuilder that carried out the technology transfer to Hyundai, Lithgows, are currently possessed by Glasgow University Archive Services. The purpose of this paper is to clarify, from a British perspective based on these records, the intention and approach of Lithgows concerning the technology transfer to the Hyundai group, as well as the weakening competitiveness of the British shipbuilding industry in the international market, as the background to this transfer.
The decline of British shipbuilders in the international vessel market began with their failure to upgrade facilities and equipment, and reform their construction system after the 1960s. Under these conditions, several British shipbuilders considered making a technology transfer to overseas shipyards as a promising new business opportunity. Lithgows' participation in the Hyundai Group's entry into the shipbuilding business can be seen as a concrete example of this strategy. In particular, Lithgows intended to substitute Hyundaifs new large-vessel shipbuilding facilities, which they themselves lacked compared to Japanese shipbuilders, to erect large-sized vessels.
However, Lithgows' plan was not entirely successful. Here, we can see what happened to two rivals sharing a common interest.
|No. 185 (Vol. XLVII, No.1) Autumn 2004
|| Ken ISHIKAWA, "The Broadcasting Business in Manchuria: Broadcasting Advertisements"
The purpose of this paper is to clarify the historical peculiarity of the broadcasting business in Manchuria (the broadcasting section of the Manchurian Telephone and Telegram Company, MTT), and to evaluate one of MTT's operations: broadcasting advertisement. Moreover, I examine the relationship between the experience of the broadcasting business in Manchuria and the commercial broadcasting business in postwar Japan, from the point of careers of former staff members of MTT.
At the stage of business planning, the parties concerned discussed the principal management and revenue of the broadcasting business, and initially they intended to use the revenue of broadcasting advertisements as the main source of funding for the broadcasting business. However, after discussion, they decided that MTT should manage the broadcasting business primarily through the electro-communication business, such as telephone and telegram. Consequently, the main source of revenue of the broadcasting business was replaced by communications fees.
The Japanese army (Kant?gun) controlled MTT, which was founded in 1933, and made it expand the broadcasting networks and facilities in Manchuria. Under these conditions, MTT broadcasted different contents in different languages, worked on broadcasting advertisements to make up for the budget deficit of the broadcasting business, and attempted to increase the broadcasting market by selling radio sets. However, this last measure was not very effective; listeners were primarily limited to urban areas, and many people, especially in rural areas, were left behind. In addition, by analyzing the accounting results of MTT's business, it is obvious that the broadcasting advertisements were on a small scale, and could not contribute much to the profits of the broadcasting business.
After the Asia-Pacific war, many of the former staff members of MTT played important roles in the industrialization of the commercial broadcasting business in Japan. Thus, it is likely that the experience of the broadcasting business in Manchuria an important role in producing human resources for the commercial broadcasting business in postwar Japan, rather than functioning as a prototype business model.
| Hidetoshi WATANABE, "The British-owned Railway and Regional Development
in Argentina: A Case Study of the Central Argentine Railway"
In the second half of the 19th century, Argentina experienced rapid agricultural development in the Pampas, and the importance of agricultural products from Argentina in the British market increased after 1890. It has been argued that this agricultural development was facilitated by the railway construction financed by British investment. However, previous studies do not clarify exactly how the British-owned railway was related to agricultural development in Argentina. In this paper, I examine the process of regional development in Argentina through a case study of the Central Argentine Railway.
This paper consists of four parts. In Section I, I analyze the reasons the federal government sought to acquire foreign capital for the Central Argentine Railway project. Consequently, the purpose of the policy, as well as the process of making the land grant to the railway company, becomes clear. In Section II, I examine the founders and the establishment of the Central Argentine Railway Company. In Section III, I analyze the interests involved with the land grant, and clarify the reasons why the railway company decided to convert it to farming land. In Section IV I analyze the land development by the railway company.
| Takaya, INAGAKI, "The Home Construction Business for Public Housing
in the Suburbs of Berlin in Late Imperial Germany: A Case Study of the
Home Construction Companies in Lankwitz after the Construction Depression"
@@Many researchers have taken up the home construction policies implemented by cities such as Frankfurt am Main as the beginnings of home construction policy in Imperial Germany, while those of agricultural communities have long been left unexamined. Prof. Fusao Kato, however, asserts that in Imperial Germany autonomic administration was carried out not only in cities, but also in agricultural communities in the suburbs of Berlin. Consulting the work of Professor Kato and Professor C. Bernhardt, and using Lankwitz in Teltow County as an example, this thesis examines whether we can find the beginnings of home construction policy, relying on public financial assistance, in the agricultural districts of Imperial Germany, where home construction policies have not previously been considered to have existed.
To begin with, this thesis examines the construction depression of 1907, and tries to explain the background to why the communities in the suburbs of Berlin moved in on the home supply market. I found that the management of not only the speculative home builders, but also many small home construction firms and mortgage financiers doing business in the suburbs of Berlin, had gotten into severe financial difficulties during this period of construction depression. Before World War I, the housing system which depended on private capital had reached its limits.
In this atmosphere, Lankwitz, whose housing system had depended on private investment, examined ways to continue building homes in the community in order to maintain its tax base, and earn financial income from trading housing lots. Thus, in Lankwitz, a semi-public home construction company (BAG) was established, in which the municipality owned more than half the stock and assemblymen had the managerial rights. This BAG could overcome the difficulty of the shortage of mortgage funds in those days because it could receive direct financial assistance for buying and developing land, and a mortgage guarantee for construction expenses. By having construction expenses depend, for the most part, upon municipal financing, the BAG could provide more than half of the houses in Lankwitz, even after the construction depression.
Through my analysis, it is clear that even in the agricultural communities in the suburbs of Berlin home construction policies using public monies were implemented. This proves that the traditional view, i.e. that Imperial Germany's public housing construction policy began only in urban areas, is inadequate.
|No. 184 (Vol. XLVI, No.4) Summer 2004
|| Chiho UTSUNOMIYA, "Enterprise Transformation of Sumitomo Capital and the Urban Formation of Niihama city in the Prewar Period"
The study of "Company Town" (Kigyo-Jokamachi) is an important issues for Japanese urban researchers. The "Company Town" refers to a city or town where a single major company holds a dominant position in the socio-economic and political spheres of the municipality. Recently, many of these cities have suffered from the effect of corporate restructuring and globalization, and most of the studies have addressed this contemporary trend and related reorganization. But there has been little research examining the historical formation of the "Company Town" from a viewpoint of the reproduction of labor power. This paper aims to explore the historical formation and characteristics of a Japanese company town, focusing on Niihama City, Ehime Prefecture, and to examine its urban transformation in relation to the development of Sumitomo Corporation.
Niihama is often called the company town of Sumitomo Corporation. Between the 1920s and 1940s, Sumitomo shifted production from copper to chemicals, and moved operations from Mt. Besshi to Niihama. Corresponding to this business transition, the socio-economic structure of Niihama-Cho (later Niihama City) changed, and heavy industry became the main industry in the region. At the same time, the population of Niihama-Cho increased rapidly, and the town became urbanized, and in 1937 the City of Niihama was formally established.
There is a great deal of literature about the urban history of Niihama. The majority explains the location of production facilities and the concentration of Sumitomo's real estate property, while excluding analysis of the concentration of laborers and the reproduction of labor power. This paper focuses on these aspects, from the perspective of David Harvey's "built environment", and analyzes the reproduction of labor power supported by "the built environment for consumption." It also makes clear the role that the reproduction of laborers played in determining the urban form of Niihama.
| Masahiro FUKUSHI, "The Possibility of Basic Income: from the Viewpoint
What kind of social security is appropriate in the reflexive modernity? To answer this question, this paper examines the structure of the changes from a productivist model of welfare to an ecological model, based on the notion of "basic income". Basic income has been thus far discussed from many perspectives, liberalism, egalitarianism, feminism, communitarianism, ecology, and so on. This article aims to clarify the significance of basic income from viewpoint of communitarianism and ecology. Left-libertarians define basic income as income paid unconditionally by the government to every member of society, based on universal citizenship. In this case, "unconditional" means that neither a means-test nor a work-test is needed as a prerequisite when benefits are paid. Many communitarian and ecologists criticize this point from the point of view that many free-riders will appear if people don't need to assume any responsibilities of work. But an important point to remember is that people donft need to be engaged in paid-employment, but may make any social contribution, such as household work, voluntary care-work, community exchange, etc. Therefore, A. B. Atkinson called such income "participation income" instead of basic income, arguing that people can receive benefits just on the condition that they participate in any work which society needs. "Work" is a greater concept than employment. What "participation income" aims to do is to promote such multi-faceted activities. In particular, ecologists would pursue a full-engaged society through implementing participation income, as a part of building a sustainable society. Basic income pays an important part in the assisted self-help approach, for supporting grass-roots civic activities.
|No. 183 (Vol. XLVI, No.3) Spring 2004
Michiaki MATSUI, "Paris Transformed Under the French Second Empire"
Although Paris has developed fairly consistently because it has remained the capital of France, its heavy dependence on royal authority has deprived it of autonomy, and thus the relationship between the central government and Paris has always been strained. Moreover, Paris is not only a political city, but also a religious and industrial city, as well as a center of production and consumption, and this diversity makes Paris peculiar.
Although it was the Industrial Revolution, and the subsequent dramatic increase in population in the 1830's and 1850's which ultimately forced Paris to shed the framework of the medieval city, the original plans for reconstruction had been laid as early as the French Revolution. The initial stages of the plan entailed improving the roads, which the revolutionary government attempted to do when it confiscated the ecclesiastical properties in Paris City and disposed of them. The road improvements, however, were not carried out because of the civil war and the Napoleonic War. It was not until the Monarchy of July that improvements began, and the plan was ultimately executed in earnest under the reign of the Second Empire. Thus, the reconstruction of Paris, through improving the roads and building a modern city suitable to industrialization, was entrusted to Napoleon III and Baron Haussmann, the chief administrator of the department of Seine.
Based on the theory of public utilities, this project restricted the right of ownership to the government established by the French Revolution, but opposition from the land proprietors was less than expected. This is because the project generated a speculation boom benefiting the bourgeois class. On the other hand, craftsmen and laborers who were forced to move or suffer from increased rents were opposed to the project, yet had no form of redress. Ultimately, these poor people left the city center, and formed a new slum in the northeast zone of Paris.
Although the reconstruction achieved impressive results in the areas of public hygiene, beautification and safety, its effect was like sprinkling water over thirsty soil with regards to the goal of providing transportation and housing. The reconstruction of Paris, however, provided a model for the redevelopment of other cities and had a strong effect on both French and foreign cities suffering from the same problems.
Masao TSUTSI, "The Transition from a Feudal Castle Town to a Modern City: The Case of Kanazawa"
The purpose of this paper is to clarify how and when Kanazawa, a typical castle town of the Tokugawa Era, was transformed into a modern city. I conclude that Kanazawa accomplished the transition after the Sino-Japanese War (1894?1895), mainly in the first decade of the 20th century, for the following three reasons:
First, after the Sino-Japanese War, the newly developing bourgeois class and shizoku (samurai class) with an interest in modern capitalism organized a chamber of commerce and its political detached corps, the Jitsugy?kai. This group gained a majority in the Kanazawa city council, which previously had been occupied by old-type shizoku, and had occasionally been paralyzed by political conflict before the war. Through petitioning at the prefectural and national level, members of the Jitsugy?kai achieved several important accomplishments, including the construction of social facilities and the revision of tax laws, according to their interests. They also launched an anti- "business tax" movement in cooperation with merchants and industrialists throughout Japan, and through this movement they clearly recognized their own urban interests, as opposed to rural interests. Subsequently, they successfully implemented independent electoral districts for cities, which can be regarded as the political manifestation of the establishment of the modern city, supported primarily by merchants and industrialists.
Second, through the active efforts of the city council and the chamber of commerce, modern institutions and facilities in political, industrial, educational, traffic and sanitary domains were created in Kanazawa City, establishing its status as a modern city.
Third, civil associations such as fire brigades, which originated in the Tokugawa Era, had resisted coming under public control in the early Meiji Era, but were successfully reorganized under the new administration of Kanazawa City after the Sino-Japanese War.
Osamu KAWAGOE, "The Institutional Basis of Urban Society in the 20th
Century: A Socio-historical Analysis of the Child and Maternal Health System
in Germany, 1900-1950"
This paper examines the institutional basis upon which modern urban society was constructed, and the kinds of problems involved, through a historical investigation of the problems and policies regarding infant mortality and child and maternal health in Germany from the late 19th to the early 20th century. This study focuses on four main points: (1) the social changes experienced by western European societies almost simultaneously at the turn of century; (2) the state of affairs regarding infant mortality and child and maternal health in Germany from the turn of century to World War I and the Weimar Republic; (3) the development of a child and maternal health system in the period from the Weimar Republic to Nazism; and (4) the meaning of the historical experiences of German society in the early 20th century.
The major implications derived from this study are as follow: (1) the social state as a typical social system of the 20th century was formed through coping with such social changes as urbanization and demographic transition (i.e. the popularization of the "modern family") in Europe at the turn of century; (2) the institutional basis of this society was launched through the reinforcement of the social security role of the state and the systematization of professionals such as scientists, medical and welfare specialists, and bureaucrats; (3) in the development of the 20th century society, the social status of women, who were held responsible for reproduction, wavered between that of objects of the national policies and that of subjects acting of their own will, in conformity with the system; and (4) the unchecked activities of professionals and the objectification of women were major factors that helped prepare the road to the Nazi holocaust.
Yoshito YAMAGUCHI, "The Expansion of Urban Areas and The Construction
of Living Space: Urban Problems in Greater Tokyo"
Although the post-1920s progress of mass-society popularization and bureaucratization has attracted much attention in big city research in recent years, this paper discusses the problem of public responsibility in the maintenance of a living space for the masses, using the city of Tokyo from the 1920s to the 1930s as an example. In particular, I consider the role of markets and administration, and the influence of some social policy problems on the market system.
Following the boom of World War I, the consumption/living section expanded continuously. Under the backdrop of a quantitative supply-demand imbalance, urban problems arose, accompanying urbanization. The labor-intensive supply section created excesses and shortages in turns. To adjust this imbalance, the cityfs relations with external entities, including foreign countries, for the supply of materials, food, etc. strengthened. On the other hand, friction over social justice and the distribution of insufficient resources between areas or sections arose within the city. The problem of protecting the safety of urban society versus increasing the efficiency of the distribution of daily necessities is a typical example.
The Tokyo administration, colliding with the diversity of the "public" through price problems or small business and industry problems, realized that small business owners and industrialists constitute one of the cityfs main socioeconomic classes, and attempted to support them through offering public assistance in resource management. While the supply of goods had been primarily determined in a market-mechanism fashion by the small managers, the city decided, in a pioneering way, to try to implement partial state control of supply. From this experience, the idea that a government agency will be expected to act as an adjusting body in mass urban society was born. As the commerce and industry administration of the city of Tokyo became clearly aware of the need to modify its policy of noninterference, it considered the two problems of assisting/complementing management, and respecting the public. Consequently, the stabilization of the supply of living necessities led to the instruction of the small industry sector and its management, and became the starting point for housing policy and small-and-medium sized enterprise policy following World War II.
Hidetoshi MIYACHI, "Economic Policy Confrontation in the Ministry
of Agriculture and Commerce in the Early Years"
The purpose of this paper is to compare a pro-Maeda group with an anti-Maeda group in the Ministry of Agriculture and Commerce (MOAC) until the end of 1885, paying special attention to a confrontation which occurred between the two groups regarding economic policies. Furthermore, the policies of the Ministry of Finance (MOF) are also considered.
This paper focuses on the reactionary views in the written statement, "K?gy? Iken," which was edited by Maeda Masana. Even though the written statement was epoch-making in industrial policy, it had several problems: it not only led to a gradual modernization, it also had limited vision because it insisted on supporting a variety of industries, including those which were in decline. When the MOF changed the policy of documentary bills for direct exportation in order to accumulate specie, friction with the MOAC, which considered it important to support various local industries, increased. Subsequently, the friction between the two Ministries was finalized when they argued over a draft for an industrial bank.
On the other hand, within the MOAC, there was a group represented by Shinagawa Tadamichi, that thought highly of the MOF's policy regarding the accumulation of specie. In order to support accumulating specie, this group believed it was important to support only staple commodities. They criticized the support for local industries endorsed by the Maeda group, and they promoted policies for the 'indirect encouragement of industries,' such as trade associations, staple commodity quality reform, improvements of the means of production, and so on.
Finally, in addition to this confrontation over economic policies within the MOAC, Maeda Masana created factional opposition, through the re-organization of the MOAC. Consequently, he was banished from the MOAC in 1885.
|No. 182 (Vol. XLVI, No.2) Winter 2004
Eiji HOTORI, "The Formation and Establishment of Japan's Bank Regulation
System in the 1920s"
In Japan, the WWI "bubble" and the long depression of the 1920s greatly impaired banking management and caused serious problems with bad loans. Financial crises broke out continuously in 1920, 1922, 1923 and 1927. 1927 is often considered a "landmark" year in the sense that the financial crises in that year led to drastic changes in the financial structure, and led to several major bank mergers. Thus, most previous studies of bank regulation have emphasized the importance of The Bank Act of 1927, and insisted that the bank merger policy was at the center of bank regulation, and that all other regulations simply complemented it. Subsequently, many studies of bank policy at this time have focused primarily on bank mergers. Furthermore, some studies conclude that bank regulation at that time was clearly different from bank regulation in the postwar period.
However, after carefully analyzing numerous historical documents and materials such as "Showa Zaiseishi Shiryo" (Archives of Showa Financial History), "Saitamaken Chiho Kinnyu Shiryo" (Archives of Saitama Prefectural Financial History) etc.., I am suspicious of such one-sided views. We need a more balanced view, considering not only The Bank Act of 1927 but also other laws, official notices and guides.
In this article, I analyze twelve kinds of bank regulation: bank chartering, liquidation or reform policy, bank merger policy, branching restriction, dividend restriction, separation of banking and industry, interest rate regulation, MOF's bank inspection, BOJ's bank inspection, auditing, disclosure requirement and LLR. I study not only the framework and philosophy of these bank regulations but also the interaction among them in order to clarify the whole system of bank regulation.
In conclusion, there were many kinds of bank regulation in 1920s, including the bank merger policy. The MOF's bank inspection system was especially effective in leading bank management, and it nicely complemented the other regulations. Finally, it is clear that bank regulation at that time functioned not only as structural regulation, but also as prudential regulation.
No. 181 (Vol. XLVI, No.1) Autumn 2003
Hajime NISHINO, "The Household Appliance Industry in Japan under the
Occupation: The case of the Refrigerator"
The purpose of this paper is to examine the Japanese household appliance industry from 1946 to 1951, especially the refrigerator industry, which manufactured refrigerators for families of the Allied occupation forces. In 1946, manufacturing refrigerators for the occupation posed three major problems: a shortage of materials, poor design or production technique, and inconsistent specifications from the occupation side. Thus, from the end of 1946, the Engineering Section of the Eighth Army considered these problems, and began offering complete technical instruction to each Japanese maker. Consequently, the Japanese manufacturers made great technical improvements, and product specifications were stabilized. Due to the advice from the occupation army, Japanese manufacturers were able to greatly improve and rationalize their production process, and the end of 1946?beginning of 1947 marks a turning point in Japanese refrigeration manufacturing, where shortage of materials and parts emerged as the biggest problem.
Unfortunately, however, the refrigerators made for the occupation families did not meet Japanese domestic requirements on two points: compressor (open type) and capacity (7 cubic feet). Therefore, when occupation forces demand fell, the makers developed smaller refrigerators with sealed compressors, but these products were too expensive for most Japanese households to purchase. Nevertheless, manufacturing refrigerators for the occupation forces proved to be critical to the development of the industry, because the manufacturers were able to apply the knowledge and techniques they acquired through this process to the next stage.
Yasuo GONJO, "Neo-Liberalism and Postwar French Capitalism (1938-73)"
With the spread of deregulation in the business world beginning in the 1980s, the concept of "neo-liberalism" has attracted the interest of more and more people. Our understanding of this idea, as well as the movements or practices based on it, however, is still very limited. In fact, scholarly literature hardly mentions it, and we have no authoritative definition which fulfills both the needs of historical studies and those of economic theory studies.
Based on French public archives, and private French archives recently opened to the public, this study demonstrates three points concerning neo-liberalism. First, neo-liberalism has its "official" roots in the "Walter Lippmann Symposium" held in Paris in 1938, in which such famous liberal economists as F. Hayek, L. Mises, W. R?pke, and J. Rueff participated. Second, at this symposium, discussants reached the conclusion that (neo-)liberalism should be based on two key conceptual foundations: that the price mechanism (not the pursuit of maximum utility) should be considered the "fundamental postulate" of liberalism; and that state intervention should not always be eliminated, as some types of state intervention are compatible with the price mechanism, and are therefore acceptable. Third, after the end of World War II, Germany was the first to carry out an economic and social policy involving neo-liberalism, which was called a "Social Market Economy." As early as 1958 France followed, and the successive Gaullist governments, following the recommendations of J. Rueff, the founder of the French School of neo-liberalism, began to grapple with a large-scale "structural reform" in three fields of finances, economy and credit. Therefore, neo-liberalism did not originate in the Anglo-Saxon World as is commonly believed, but in continental Europe.
| Hideki IIKUBO, "The Emigration Policy of the Social Affairs Bureau,
Department of the Interior in the 1920s"
From 1921 to 1929 the Social Affairs Bureau, Department of the Interior, encouraged emigration to Brazil, during the same period that social work in Japan expanded. This paper concerns the policy of encouraging emigration as a relief measure for unemployment after World War I. In this study I examine governmental assistance to the 'Kaigai Kogyo' ('International Development Co., Ltd.' Emigration Consulting Company) during the early stage of this period, the first half of the 1920s.
During this time, the Japanese government offered assistance to the Kaigai Kogyo in order to educate people who were interested in emigration, which also created the opportunity for cooperation with the employment services office. The emigration encouragement policy of the Social Affairs Bureau expanded gradually, and included such activities as financial assistance to the Kaigai Kogyo, offering compensation for the commission of each emigrant, and the provision of fare.
In 1924, after forming such measures, the emigration policy functioned to some extent to deal with unemployment and overpopulation problems, and the desire to emigrate greatly increased. This trend, however, was created by the activities of the Bureau of Social Affairs and Kaigai Kogyo, rather than by a feeling that arose from the economic desire of emigrants. Thereafter, the provision of the cost of travel fare by the Japanese government and other such measures became the foundation of a national emigration policy.
In 1928, the annual expenditure related to encouragement of emigration amounted to the largest budget for all social works. As a means of increasing employment, this plan of the Social Affairs Bureau was not exactly successful. However, because the emigration encouragement policy of Japan met with the demand for agricultural laborers in Brazil, consequently, many emigrants to Brazil were sent out during the first half of the 1930s.
|No. 180 (Vol. XLV, No.4)
Izumi TAKEDA, "Lancashire Cotton Industry in the Embryonic Stage:
the Atlantic Trade and the Irish Linen Industry"
This paper regards the calico-substitute industry of 18th century Lancashire as an 'embryonic cotton industry' and investigates how it developed into a full-scale cotton industry. In past research, little attention has been given to the pre-water-frame era, and only fustian has been considered as a mediation to pure-cotton calico. I start by considering the question, "what was calico-substitute: fustian or linen?" I then closely examine the following two issues: 1.) how the export of Lancashire linens to the Atlantic world developed in competition with Indian calicoes, and 2.) how linen yarn for warp was supplied to Lancashire until the appearance of the water-frame.
In 18th century Lancashire, linens filled the role of calico-substitutes. Both linen and fustian were linen-cotton fabrics (cotton weft and linen warp), but while linen was a thin, light cloth, fustian was heavy and thick. Furthermore, linen could be finished with bright colours, and was very suitable for underwear because it could be easily washed. Lancashire linen had the same character as calico, in that it could be used in every corner of the globe, whatever the climate. The Lancashire linen industry made products for universal use and sent them to many places in the Atlantic world.
The process of the growth of the embryonic cotton industry depended heavily on the outside world, not only for the demand for the goods but also for the supply of raw materials: the Atlantic world was a market for linen, and Ireland was a supplier of linen yarns. This arrangement was a preparatory stage for the coming full-scale cotton industry.
The Irish linen industry supplied yarn to the Lancashire linen industry, and thus was incorporated into the growth process of this 'embryonic cotton industry.' This viewpoint will help to cast further light on the relation between Britain and Ireland as well as the history of the Irish linen industry in the 18th century. At the same time, it could also offer a new perspective to the old question of how the British Industrial Revolution came about; that is, how important a role its closest and the oldest colony, Ireland, played in its outbreak.
Shuichi TAKASHIMA, "Changes in Tokyo Suburbs due to the Land Redeployment Project of the 1920s"
This paper examines the changes in the Tamagawa Village area (currently a part of Setagaya Ward, Tokyo), due to the land redeployment project that occurred from 1925 to 1954. Although officially this enterprise was called a "redeployment of arable land" project, in reality the purpose of this project was to help create and maintain housing sites due to the escalating urbanization of Tokyo.
Shoji Toyoda, who had served as the Tamagawa Village mayor, was the first person to plan this project. At first, he proceeded like he would conduct the administration of the village. In those days, the village had different sections, acting as subsystems, and influential people of each section governed them. In land redeployment, a similar approach was taken. Toyoda divided the object zones of redeployment along sections of the village, and had himself inaugurated as the president of a "redeployment of arable land association." Furthermore, he made the influential people of each section officers of this association.
However, this existing community management method did not suit the land redeployment project. Therefore, as the project proceeded, new methods were explored, and ultimately a new way was adopted. The method of depending on the leadership of the influential members of the community had failed, and, instead, a more rational method came to be chosen. It was determined that "technology" was more practical than relying on influential people's power. Thus, it was decided, sites of planned construction cannot make decisions about the construction, but can only act as objects of construction. Therefore, ultimately, even the areas which opposed the project at the beginning had no choice but to accept it. This example, although limited in scale, clearly illustrates changes in community management after the 1920s.