|No.199 (Vol. L, No.3) April 2008
||PAPERS READ AT THE AUTUMN CONFERENCE SYMPOSIUM, 2007
Seeking Cooperation and Publicness during the Regional Dissolution and Renewal Process
|Tashiro, Yoichi, "Chairperson's Address"
|Hashiguchi, Takuya, "Comparing Rural Community and Trends in Agriculture and Rural Policy: Focus on less-favored Areas in Japan"
From the much-observed most basic data of the 2005 Census of Agriculture
and Forestry, the number of farm households and the trend in the area of
land under cultivation, it can be seen that the farmer's crisis continues
to deepen. It appears that the rate of decline in the number of farm households
seems to have been stopped, but the decline in the area of land under cultivation
continues to accelerate. If one examines agricultural areas on the basis
of type, it is possible to see that flatland agricultural areas are weakening
while more hilly areas are performing better. As background, one can raise
the effect of the system of direct payment of subsidies to farmers in hilly
and mountainous areas since 2000. This system is currently being watched
closely as a potential trump card for regional regeneration of rural villages
and communities and metropolitan areas alike, and is being positioned as
a high priority policy for implementation. In particular, on the occasion
of the start of the second five-year period this plan is being revised,
and its character as a village activation subsidy has been strengthened.
Many other new policies are also being introduced in agricultural and rural
areas. While these rural communities are the target of policy, at the same
time much is expected from them, and misgivings remain about the worsening
of the fragility of rural communities. As the most striking form of this
problem, marginal and vanished rural communities are attracting much attention.
After confirming the current state of the above-mentioned agricultural
and rural areas and policy trends, the case of Niigata Prefecture Itoigawa
City Nechi area which has experienced many vanished rural communities is
examined. In this area, along with the effective combination and active
application of the many policies currently being implemented, new agricultural
management organizations are arising. As a result, many areas overcame
difficulties and are emerging as clear examples of the efficacy of the
agricultural and rural communities policy. However, it is also true that
a large quantity in subsidies was provided, and consequently the policy
combines the two characters of regional support and the wary reaction of
regional administration. Moreover, it is also important to know to what
extent this example can be generalized. While keeping these points in mind,
it is necessary to examine the workings of regions throughout the country
in the future.
|Matsumoto, Takenori, "The Process of Reorganization of Irrigation
Organizations in South Korea"
Irrigation organizations in South Korea consist of two types: customary
and institutionalized. The latter type, named Farmland Improvement Associations
(FLIA) from 1970 until 2000, are characterized by their semi-official,
bureaucratic system strongly controlled by the government, and can be regarded
as the successors of those organizations that existed in the colonial period.
At the end of the 1980s, South Korean peasants developed an anti-FLIA movement,
refusing to pay water charges. They had suffered from a decline in the
price of agricultural produce as a result of the 1980s open-market policy.
In addition, they demanded the dissolution of the FLIAs as a remnant of
colonial rule. Eventually, direct elections for the director and the council
members were introduced and water charges were reduced drastically in 1989.
The basic principle of the structural adjustment program that was executed
after the financial crisis in 1997 was privatization of the public sector.
The Ministry of Agriculture, however, managed to establish a gigantic nation-wide
public corporation for irrigation in 2000 as a unified body of FLIAs, by
taking advantage of the peasant unionfs opinion that the FLIAs and water
charges should be abolished as a remnant of colonial rule. That opinion
was regarded as legitimate and persuasive, appealing to the public sentiment
of anti-colonialism, and was widely accepted by the South Korean people,
so that the Ministry of Agriculture succeeded in its maneuvering. In the
process, water charges were completely abolished.
In the area of customary irrigation organizations, peasants conduct communal
operations voluntarily for ditch maintenance. In the case of FLIAs, major
ditch maintenance was conducted by FLIA staff directly, whereas small ditch
maintenance was conducted by communal operations by peasants.
The reduction and abolition of water charges, however, weakened peasantsf
incentive to participate in communal operations. FLIAs and the newly established
public corporation have been forced to bear additional expenses for ditch
maintenance, which are subsidized from government finances.
The historical experience of Korean people when colonized by Japan has
inclined them to give priority to eliminating the remnants of colonial
rule. The idea of the abolition of water charges, however, is not a reasonable
policy, as far as the organizational management of irrigation organizations
The public corporation started a new program to mobilize peasants. They
try to organize communal groups of peasants for small ditch maintenance
in order to minimize expenditure, by financially supporting such group
|Ichida, Tomoko, "Rural Development Policy and the "Region"
in the EU: Focusing on the LEADER Program in Germany"
This paper focuses on the LEADER program, one of EU rural development policy measure. LEADER differs from the other top-down rural development policies, mainly because it allows local people to participate in the program from the planning stage. After 15 years since the initiation of this program, we find not only policy evaluation, but also recognition of the LEADER method, particularly in the multiple roles of non-local individuals, and the meaning of gterritorializationh of areas, gneo-endogenous rural developmenth. The author analyses the actual condition of Local Action Groups (LAG), which implement the program, their activities and relationship with the public sector, for example the EU and state government, and then considered what gregionh as defined by LEADER means, based on two case studies in Germany in 2004. Since 2007 the LEADER program has become one of four main axes of rural development. The LAG receives its budget from the public sector (EU, country, state), which at the same time intervene so that the LAG is required to define gregionsh with populations of 10 to 100 thousand. The intervention is effective and successful, when it discovers local human capital and gives them an opportunity to participate in various activities, so that gregionh is known to the outside and a gregionalh identity and pride is born. On the other hand we find problems of intervention particularly after the LEADER+ phase, due to excessive bureaucratic procedures in examining and selecting LAG, and also in executing each project. While LEADER is financially supported by the public sector, but at the same time implemented as a bottom-up system, these two aspects are contradictory. The regional manager contributes to canceling this contradiction. In the case of Japan, when considering the definition of the gregionh, economic disparity between local areas and megalopolis has been enlarged under the current neo-liberal administrative and financial reform. The activities of LEADER and LAG may offer hints for the reconstruction of local communities and appropriate sized region for living in Japan.
|Tanaka,Natsuko, "Making Publicness in Local Societies in Italy: Focusing
on Social Cooperatives"
Italian society, corresponding to the unification of EU, on one hand conforms with the deregulation or liberalization of the economy and social policy, and on the other hand, reconstructs or re-regulates the social tendency to neo-liberalism. Here we can observe the functioning of resistance inherent in local communities, promoted by the non-profit sector, and especially by the social cooperatives and the consortium that they comprise collectively (hereafter "consortium"). From this point of view, I refer to the difficulties and its tasks of the non-profit sector in order to clarify the possibilities to construct the countermeasure against the tendency above.
For example, in order to reduce social exclusion when trying to resolve the unemployment problem, when choosing a third way program adhering to the market-oriented policy, the unemployed were decisively ginsertedh into the labour market in the short-term so that they could gefficientlyh take part in the market. On the contrary, the non-profit sector in Italy such as social cooperatives and the consortium that they form collectively, having accumulated experience of the human-oriented approach, tend to prompt the unemployed to gparticipateh in society and the labour market, rather than being ginsertedh, with the creation of the special figure which is called gtutor aziendaleh (management tutor in English), who constructs a relationship between the excluded such as the unemployed and ordinary enterprises in the profit-oriented market, in which the unemployed can promote their gemployabilityh, removing their physical barriers and also invisible soft barriers.
The roots of this possibility, I suggest, lie first in the complex identity connoted by the social cooperative, that is, as an organized social activist association; as an economic entity that is suggesting new rules for and at the same time partially applying market principles; and as a creator of the public space earning social recognition through its own practical accumulation of efforts to expand cooperation with public entities.
Second, the potential of the network of cooperatives, in other words, the consortium, getting around these ideological differences, cooperating with each other and respecting the needs rooted in the local community and the results of this network will be shared not only by the cooperatives but also by the various actors in the communities.
|Fukushi, Masahiro, "Comment 1: "The Civic Publicness and Social Economy"
|Nagae, Masakazu, "Comment 2: "Relationship between Association
|Iida, Takashi, "Peasant Landholding in Early Modern Japan and Prussia:
A Comparative View"
|No.198 (Vol. L, No.2)
|Satoshi KAWAMURA, "Japanese Truck-Transportation Industry in the Recovery
Period after World War Two"
In this article, I examine as a case study Zenkaren, the truck-transportation control association. This paper also discusses issues related to resource allocation mechanisms through control or market forces.
After World War Two, many Japanese army trucks were used for the private
informal transportation business. In March 1946 the Transport Ministry
expanded the national truck-transportation (Shoueijidousha), aiming to
check the power of this informal freight and gain control over the truck-transportation
sector. However, this policy was against the interests of formal truck-transportation
private companies. Zenkaren lobbied against this policy, and consequently
the policy was reduced in part. At the same time, GHQ was planning to sell
off military trucks and trailers in Japan. The Japanese government planned
that Shoueijidousha would manage these trucks and trailers. Zenkaren lobbied
against this plan however and it was terminated, Shoueijidousha being restrained
by agreement between Zenkaren and the Transport Ministry. From the above,
we can conclude that Zenkarenfs post-war lobbying reflected different conditions
from the World War Two period. This condition change was brought about
by allocation issues due to increased numbers of trucks.
Next I consider the rationing of fuel, tires and new trucks, examined through
examples of companies' actions to obtain those materials. Under the rationing
system, fuel was linked with important loads. This coordination was achieved
through the control association. But this system only covered part of the
fuel allocation system. Many companies obtained fuel from the informal
market. The informal market absorbed most of the tires available, and pushing
the price every higher. The control association and many companies experienced
financial difficulties as a result, and also the number of privately-owned
Last, many companies diversified in order to carry more loads. Further research on this diversification would clarify the issue whether companies' actions might not necessarily be profitable within the control system.
|Takahito MORI, "Municipal Electricity Services under the Expansion
of Wide-Area Power Networks: A Case Study of Frankfurt am Main in the Weimar
This paper examines how municipal electricity services could sustain themselves
as autonomous systems under the expansion of wide-area power networks was
Weimar period, the era in which the system of wide-area power networks
was established. Its aim is to attempt to introduce an alternative viewpoint,
the sustainability of the municipal electricity system, into the study
of the history of electricity services in Germany
Although a lot of cities came under the control of wide-area power networks
in the 1920s, these networks did not completely replace municipal electricity
services. This was the outcome of a communal effort, especially in big
cities, to maintain their own power stations against wide-area power networks.
Frankfurt was a case of such a community.
Frankfurt tried not only to enlarge its power station but also to utilize waterpower and brown coal near the city, in order to defend the autonomy of its electricity service against the Rheinisch-Westfaelisches Elektrizitaetswerk AG (RWE), which aimed to monopolize the electricity service in Frankfurt. These projects constructed an electricity system which enabled the preservation of an autonomous electricity service in Frankfurt. This system went on to function until the second half of the 20th century.
But Frankfurt could not achieve such a result by itself. It owed a lot
to the assistance of Preussenelektra, the national power company of Prussia.
The Prussian government needed to strengthen its relationship with Frankfurt,
in order to hinder the expansion of RWE, to integrate the electricity services
in Rhein-Main area, and to promote the economic development of Saargebiet.
These strategies of the Prussian government strongly influenced the development
of the electricity system in Frankfurt.
|Koji FUDAM, "The Structure of the Thai Financial System, 1985-1997"
Much literature exists concerning the causes for the Asian financial crisis,
organized around the axes of actual and apparent reasons. However most
of these causal analyses are flawed by being based on the very assumptions
about policy approaches which they are attempting to justify. In this paper,
aside from the suitability of policy approaches, we analyze the root causes
of the financial crisis by examining what form of linkage existed between
the flow of international short term funds and the Thai financial system,
and establish how this brought about the process from economic bubble to
financial crisis. The main findings of our analysis are as follows. First,
the main causes of the real estate bubble were speculative investment by
foreign investors via non-resident baht accounts and speculative financing
by finance companies which were subsidiaries of local commercial banks.
Second, the intensive inflow of foreign short-term capital clearly contributed
to heavy industrialization and rapidly transformed domestic financial markets.
Therefore, the Bank of Thailand (BOT) could not quickly impose an effective
credit squeeze. Consequently, the financial system changed to one where
financial institutions had huge amounts of bad debt, and a liquidity crisis
arose from the rapid flight of huge foreign short-term capital when the
bubble economy burst. The structural change itself was the essential cause
of the currency crisis in Thailand. Finally, one of the main reasons why
the crisis became so serious was that BOT could not manage the exchange
rate policy on the basis of the correct information about the international
financial situation due to the deterioration of internal communication
after the bubble burst. Through our analysis we show that the reactions
of the domestic entities played an important role indeed in both the development
phase and the crisis one, although international factors and path-dependency
in the Thai financial system heavily affected the domestic economy.
|Ikuo MITSUISHI, "Rethinking Abelshauser's Thesis on the German Postwar
Economic Development and the Reconstruction of Social System of Production"
|No.197 (Vol. L, No.1)
|Teruo HIRASAWA, "Japanese Economic Control and the Industrial Cooperation
Movement in the 1930s: A Case Study of the Electric Lamp Glass Industry"
This paper analyzes the case of the Electric Lamp Glass Industry to discuss the development of Japanfs economic control over medium and small companies, the industrial cooperation movement in the 1930s, and the relationship that existed between the two.
I focus specifically on the official recognition accredited to the labor
union, Kanto Electric Lamp Glass Industry Labor Union (KELGILU) by the
trade association, Tokyo Electric Lamp Bulb Association (TELBA), and the
labor agreement between them. I find that (1) TELBA acted negatively toward
the official recognition of KELGILU when the union was initially established;
and that (2) TELBA authorized KELGILU and entered into a labor agreement
after handling the problem of the sales of surplus products to outside
customers by Tokyo Electric Corporation and dealing with the labor dispute
at Marusa Factory. I also find that the Industrial Cooperation Committee
(ICC) was established as the management-labor consulting organization;
and that the industrial cooperation movement developed after the signing
of the labor agreement. Most importantly, I highlight the following: First,
the mutual aid system, which consisted of sick pay, life insurance, and
retirement allowance, was established through the activities of ICC. Second,
standard wages common to all factories were established. Under this new
system, factories that offered wages lower than the standard were obliged
to raise wages, and attempts were made to improve working conditions on
an industry-wide basis. Third, the sales-price control that TELBA attempted
to implement at the time was not fully adhered to by the industry. ICC,
therefore, pursued the application of price control via suspension of the
supply of KELGILU workers to those factories that violated the control.
Similarly, ICC systematically applied the labor supply suspension against
factories that did not cooperate with the establishment of the above-mentioned
mutual aid system and the adoption of the standard wages.
I conclude that the economic control and industrial cooperation movement
developed in complement as a way to bring about both stabilization of business
administration and improvement of working conditions in the Electric-Lamp-Glass
|Hirayama TSUTOMU, "Plant and Equipment Investment Trends of the Die
Industry in the First Half of the High-growth Era: The Case of the Plastic
@The subject of this paper is an examination of trends in capacity investment by die manufacturers during the high-growth era. In the conventional argument, loans from the Japan Development Bank under the Extraordinary Measures Law for the Promotion of Machinery Industries are noted as one factor promoting plant and equipment investment by die industry. However, only several large companies were recipients of loans from the Japan Development Bank. Paying attention to this point, this paper examines trends in plant and equipment investment of those enterprises which were outside of the Japan Development Bank loan program using data from the Kanto plastics die association (in the possession of the Eastern Japan Die & Mold Industry Association branch office), from trade journals detailing activities of this association, and so on.
@In the case of the plastic die industry, increasing orders and change
in demand during the high-growth era to more precise and larger dies, and
also technological changes, prompted companies to invest in plant and equipment.
As a result, an association was formed by companies which tried to respond
to the technical changes in the market of the second half of the 1950s,
and measures promoting plant and equipment investment were carried out
through this association. The conditions were (1) initiating of the installment
payments for machine tools; (2) a Tokyo plant and equipment investment
loan which could be utilized now through the influence from the association;
(3) partners sharing information about facilities. With these conditions
in place, not only companies taking out loans from the Japan Development
Bank but also small and medium-sized enterprises which fell outside the
loan program were active investors in plant and equipment. Consequently,
the equipment of the whole die manufacturing industry improved sharply
in this ten-year period.
|Nodoka YANAGISAWA, "Non-profit Housing and the Rented Housing Market
in 1920s Germany: A Case Study of the Construction of 'Weegerhof Siedlung
(Housing Estate)', Solingen"
The aim of the article is to clarify the influence of housing construction by a non-profit organization on the second-hand rented housing market in1920s Germany through a case study of the construction of "Weegerhof Siedlung (housing estate)", Solingen. The rented housing construction there was mainly undertaken by the non-profit cooperative society "Spar-und Bauverein Solingen" (SBV).
In 1920s Germany, shortage of housing became a serious problem and was
characterized by two different forms. The first kind was housing shortage
for low-income people. This was due to the increase in urban population
following industrialization in the late nineteenth century. The second
kind was the housing shortage for young couples, especially newly married
couples. Shortly after the end of the First World War, the number of newly
married couples increased drastically and these people sought new housing.
In an attempt to overcome this housing shortage, considerable public subsidies
were given to non-profit organizations trying to supply small flats. The
construction "Weegerhof Siedlung" was the biggest of the housing
estate projects conducted by the SBV in the 1920s.
This article focuses on two groups of people: those who lived as first
dwellers in Weegerhof and those who moved into rented second-hand housing
which was made available when the first dwellers of Weegerhof moved into
the new housing estate.
The first dwellers of Weegerhof were mainly young people and many of them
were either skilled workers or belonged to the middle class. As such, the
construction of the Weegerhof housing estate eased the housing problem
for young couples. People on low income did not move into the new housing
but still benefited from their construction; many of those who moved into
the second-hand housing left behind by the first dwellers of Weegerhof
were young, less skilled workers. The housing problem for low-income people
was thus alleviated by the second hand rented housing market that had been
created by the construction of new flats in Weegerhof. As such, the new
social housing estate for skilled workers created a chain of vacancies
in the second-hand rented housing marked that filtered down to benefit
low skilled workers.
|No.196 (Vol. XLIX, No.4)
| Daisuke HAYAKAWA, "The Bank of Japan's Branch and local Economy: The
Case of Matsuyama Branch"
The Bank of Japan(BOJ) established 26 branches from its foundation in 1882
to 1945.The purpose of this paper is to consider how the BOJ locates these
branches, and how these branches affected the local monetary economy in
their districts. In this paper, I examine these problems through a case
study of Matsuyama branch office, established in Matsuyama, Ehime Prefecture
in 1932 .
According to one popular theory, it is said that the BOJ played the role
of industrial financier for strategic sectors in the era of the industrial
revolution, and that in inter-war period the BOJ faced financial instability
and played the role of "Lender of Last Resort"(LLR) for the maintenance
of orderly credit conditions. These functions of the BOJ were carried out
by the local branches. These branches were, so to speak, the "channel
of the BOJ's credit" in the local monetary economy.
This paper carries out its analysis from two points of view, that of the local economy and that of the BOJ .They are both stakeholders in branch establishment. In Maysuyama, in 1919 business leaders (bankers and industrialists) began to make representations to the BOJ and the Ministry of Finance against the background of credit requirement in "the WWI Boom".
However, after the WWI, a crisis occurred in 1920. With this as a turning
point, and against the background of the financial instability of the 1920's,
their requirements changed from industrial finance to need for an LLR.
Further, the BOJ began to realize the necessity of having branches in certain
In 1927, the Imabari Shougyou Bank and other banks in Ehime were attacked
in a bank run and closed. The Gojyuni Bank, the top bank of Ehime Prefecture,
helped these banks, but could not help the Imabari Shougyou Bank. The BOJ
acted as LLR for this bank and the bank run settled down . The BOJ realized
the urgent need for a Matsuyama branch and it was established in 1932 as
the first new branch after the 1927 financial crisis.
Though the Matsuyama branch was established and began business with local
banks, money markets in early 1930's were loose and local banks had little
need of the BOJ as LLR. A few years later the Matsuyama branch played the
role of negotiator of bank consolidation in war time.
| Hirohito NAWA, "Water Resource Development Projects in California
and Their Regional Impact, 1930-70"
For a long time, the west coast region of the United States was seen as a colony of the eastern part, but this area developed greatly under the New Deal. Large federal fiscal expenditure promoted water resource development under the Reclamation Act, and established key infrastructure for the post Second World War era in California's Central Valley.
First, this paper analyzes the process and accomplishments of the Central
Valley Project (CVP), an important irrigation project in the California
Central Valley area. The CVP still plays an important role in irrigation
water development in the State of California, home to the largest area
of agricultural land under irrigation in the United States. Two vital factors
in the realization of the CVP were continuous lobbying by farmers, agribusinesses
and landowners in the area, and federal government spending policy in the
New Deal era. One of the conditions for securing federal funding was that
the project should be operated such that the benefits of development of
the CVP were distributed as widely as possible. However, large landowners
strongly opposed this form of ideal operation and under the Reclamation
Act successfully had it reversed, eventually converting the CVP into their
personal means of capital accumulation.
Second, this paper reveals that interested parties in the Central Valley,
such as large landowners, lobbied actively for the Bracero Program. For
this reason, Mexican agricultural labor was introduced into the Central
Valley. This means that large landowners received Federal funding, and
furthermore, large landowners worked with the Farm Placement Service of
California State Department of Employment to set the wages of agricultural
labor at a very low level. Gradually, American workers were excluded from
the agricultural labor market in California. Since the Bracero Program
severely limited labor movement in the Central Valley, agricultural working
conditions were left in a poor state.
Initially, the United States Bureau of Reclamation had intended that Americans
from the eastern part of the United States would be the new residents in
the reclamation project area but instead Mexicans began to reside in Central
Valley. While some of the United States' leading rich farmland was formed
in the Central Valley, some of the worst poverty areas also appeared there.
In the Central Valley area, such New Deal economic policies were seriously
frustrated after the Truman administration. In the end, due to powerful
lobbying, two federal policies in the State of California greatly contributed
to the development of commercial agriculture in the Central Valley.
| Yoichi Yamaura, "A Study of 'Invasion' in Mountainous Areas: How and
Why Farmland in Almost-extinct Communities Is Farmed by Inhabitants of
The subject of this paper is to analyze farming in rural communities by inhabitants of other rural communities, especially in mountainous areas.
Since the enactment of the new Basic Law, the preservation of farmland
has been one of the most important issues in Japanese agricultural policy.
In this study we obtain important suggestions for overcoming difficulties
in autonomous management of land use in mountainous communities where the
number of farmers is decreasing.
The results of our analysis are as follows.
1) In many almost-extinct communities, farmland is cultivated by inhabitants of other rural communities, and some cases over half of all farmland is cultivated by them.
2) The reason for these invasions is the divergence in quality of farmland among communities. This situation implies there is an economical rationale underlying these invasions.
3) Most of invading farmers are aged or earn their main income from other jobs. Thus we can not expect them to play the role of farmland user in almost-extinct communities in the long-run. On the other hand, there is still considerable need for these invasions. Therefore, even though it may be effective to discover individual invaders in the short-run, more organized activities involving neighboring communities will be required in the long-run.
|No.195 (Vol. XLIX, No.3)
| Naoki FUKUZAWA, "The Path to the 'Sozialstaat' [Social State] in
Germany: Historical Experience in Germany from the Wilhelmine Era to the
Even though the market economy is at the core of the socio-economic order in modern Germany, certain adjustment has been necessary due to limits on its function and coverage. It was not always the State but primarily individual consanguineous, territorially-connected and/or multiple social linkages (or solidarity), which carried out this adjustment. However, as the extent of economic activity expanded and each nation state became firmly established as an economic unit, social problems became a growing concern and the State could not ignore its social responsibilities. Social benefits in Germany after the enactment of legislation creating the "Workers' Insurance" in the 1880s were a typical expression of this trend. However, existing communities or solidarity associations not infrequently hindered the development of a system of nationwide solidarity. Friction was often generated between individual interests which promoted the conservation of social and economic differences, and the intention to expand social cooperation to the nationwide scale. Even though nationwide solidarity was functionally ineffective in the severe economic circumstances of the depression, and a national community was once built forcibly at the cost of enormous sacrifice, the concept of nationwide solidarity became a generally established principle in the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) after WWII within the system of the market economy. This nationwide solidarity was further complemented by communities or associations for solidarity in various dimensions in the form of pluralistic function in the social welfare system. In the FRG the "Welfare State" was not pursued as a providing state, but as a "Sozialstaat" (Social State) on a philosophical foundation, derived from a full consideration of the nature of the market economy. In this concept of a "Social State", the realization of fair distribution and the elimination of inappropriate social and economic difference was to be pursued, at least in the speculative dimension, in a fashion compatible with the market economy and without hindering its effectiveness or incentives to individual economic activity. Although factors such as the ending of rapid economic growth after WWII or the "oil shock" might expose difficulties or limits of the enhancement of social benefits, this did not provoke a fundamental dismantling or reconstruction of the system of social benefits in the FRG. It might be thought that this was because of a solid agreement about the nature of the "social state" in Germany, but recent movements contradict this interpretation. Even the Social Democratic Party is now willing to cut back the welfare system in the face of economic difficulties brought about by strong economic competition due to globalization and regional integration. It is to be wondered what happened to the philosophical constructs underlying the fairness of distribution and the health of the market economy. In this sense, the dynamism of the "social state" is still a meaningful field for research.
| Kazutoshi KASE, "The Shrinkage of Unemployment Policy in Contemporary
Japan and its Historical Background"
Unemployment policy in Japan has undergone considerable change since 2000.
The main characteristics of this change are the tendency towards deregulation
and greater mobility of the labor market, common to many countries under
globalization; but there are some characteristics particular to Japan such
as the severe reduction of unemployment benefit and the continuing absence
of a public direct employment policy. This change, based on the neoclassical
theory, is also linked with Japan's historical experience. This paper,
tracing the experience of unemployment policy since the World War I, tries
to understand the significance of ongoing changes from a historical perspective.
Our conclusion is that Japanese governments have made too much of economic
recovery to solve the unemployment problem, in order to avoid increasing
public expenditure for the unemployed and allow employers to behave freely.
As a result of these features, the main target of unemployment policy has
been limited to the lower income class of workers. These characteristics,
which were not apparent through the period of economic development, have
become clear as the unemployment rate grew higher.
| Hiroshi SETOOKA, "On the Contemporary Expansion of Economic and Social
Inequalities in the United States: How to Understand the Present Situation
and Its Causes?"
This paper discusses the present state and causes of the contemporary expansion of economic and social inequality in the United States.
Making up for intermediate explanations between theory and reality, and
accepting the understanding that "people make history", this
paper focuses on middle class citizens in the United States, nearly seven-tenths
of the total population of this country, i.e. the actual governing group.
Then we discover that middle class citizens in fact expect a more competitive
economy and society, the ultimate causes of the inequalities.
Even though the expansion of inequality and its resolution will threaten
national stability, middle class citizens, including the economic losers,
not only not deny that neo-liberal policies and a competitive economy are
the background factors causing inequality but expect such policies. The
reasons are first, the inclination to a petit-capitalist conception expecting
revival of opportunities, efficiency and growth; second, reliance on a
more competitive economy in order to defend middle class citizens' interests
against the rising lower classes under liberal conditions, democracy and
the results of the Civil Rights Movement; and third, the impossibility
of middle class citizens' withdrawal from the competitive global economic
structure which benefits them.
The middle class citizens whom we can see today were shaped in the New
Deal period, and gained a certain abundant standard of living with various
safety devices (social security in case of unemployment, etc.) under the
corporate Liberal regime, and after the collapse of this regime, ran around
pursuing opportunities, efficiency and growth to the extent that they brought
about their own ruin. The expansion of inequalities is nothing other than
the phenomenon of the historical process of the fall of the American middle
| Michio GOTO, "Widening Income Differentials and 'Working Poor' Families
in Modern Japan
The key problem with widening income differentials is that over a quarter of Japanese families are now living under the poverty line. This essay defines "poor family" as a family whose annual pretax, post-cash-transfer income falls below the threshold of Public Assistance. The threshold is measured by the average minimum cost of living of beneficiary families of Public Assistance as estimated by the local welfare office. The overall poverty rate rose from 18.1% in 1997 to 22.3% in 2002 excluding families receiving Public Assistance. In spite of the assertion of then-PM Koizumi, the highest increase was in the number of working poor families (1.4 million added). Poor pensioner families were second (0.8 million).
Major changes in the structure of the Japanese labor market, in particular
a decline in Japanese-style long term employment practices, was the main
cause of the increase of working poor families. Because Japanese-style
long term employment was the most effective guarantor of a stable and fair
standard of living for most Japanese workers, Japanese social security
and social allowances are insufficient. Japanese social security policy
has, since the latter half of the era of high economic growth, targeted
the care of people who are not able to work either temporarily or permanently.
The structural reforms which really started 1997 have destroyed the Japanese
style of management on the one hand, and on the other reduced the level
of social security.
These major changes have resulted in a crisis of social integration, which
in turn has stimulated the ruling political groups to introduce a new type
of social integration centered on the rich upper class. This perhaps is
nothing more than the institutionalization of a differentiated society.
| Satoru KOBORI, "Japanese Energy-saving Policy during the Interwar
The purpose of this paper is to analyze how the efforts of energy-saving developed in interwar Japan, in particular focusing on the nensho shido (technical guidance for fuel burning),which encouraged improvements in factories' fuel-burning technologies.
@From the end of the 1910's, against a background of not only rising coal
prices but also a consciousness of the limits of domestic coal reserves,
the Fuel Research Laboratory of the Ministry of Agriculture and Commerce
was established and engineers and researchers interested in combustion
engineering organized a group called the Fuel Society of Japan.
In the second half of the 1920's, activities promoting fuel economy were
implemented in several prefectures among which Osaka prefecture proved
most aggressive in Japan. The Osaka Prefectural Institute for Industrial
Management (OPIIM) established its nensho shido division in 1929 and provided
guidance to local factories in saving fuel. OPIIM guidance focused on the
methods in which the factory boiler workers burned fuel, rather than building
new facilities or refitting older facilities for burning fuel. Furthermore,
because OPIIM thought that in order to improve the manner of burning it
was necessary for boiler workers to acquire higher levels of skill, Osaka
prefecture established a qualification for boiler workers and OPIIM opened
a training school for them.
Osaka prefecture's development of nensho shido was considered an industrial
rationalization, and therefore was imitated by several municipalities and
regional organizations for industrial management. Furthermore, the Ministry
of Commerce and Industry, which had become more interested in fuel economy
from the beginning of the 1930's, started nensho shido in 1938 as the Sino-Japanese
war exacerbated the tight coal supply situation. It was technicians from
Osaka being posted to or sometimes visiting the other regions that promoted
the spread of nensho shido.
@During the interwar era, nensho shido was immature because the scope of
guidance was limited to burning with a boiler. However, the groups of combustion
engineering technicians formed during the interwar era would later lead
the development of energy-saving technology in wartime and postwar Japan.
Since the interwar era, against the background of limited domestic resources,
Japanese industrial rationalization has made a point of reducing production
costs rather than acquiring merits of scale.
|No.194 (Vol. XLIX, No.2)
| Tomotaka OSHIMA, "Structural Change of the Japanese Sake [Rice Wine] Market and the Role of Local Distributors in the Meiji Era"
This paper clarifies the reasons and conditions for the entry of large-scale
sake brewers into local markets after the 1900s, in relation to the competition
among production centers, makers and wholesalers, and theTokyo and local
markets. Considering the comparatively rich literature of studies analysing
the structure of production of the modern Japanese brewing industry, this
study aims at a more comprehensive understanding of the dynamic linkages
of production, distribution and market through the medium of local distributors.
Particular attention is paid to the role of distribution in the reproduction
of the whole economy centering on change in distribution systems, focusing
on the business history of local distributors.
Nada and Chita are two regional centers of Japanese sake production, both of which had already been established in the Edo period. However, they showed different trajectories of development during the Meiji period. Nada accomplished further growth and expanded its market throughout the country. On the other hand, Chita did not expand, but narrowed its market. For example, Tatsuuma-Honke in Nada, which had led the Japanese sake brewing industry during the pre-World War II period, was able to take the initiative in transactions with local wholesale stores, which would not have been possible in Tokyo, and this led to rising sales in local areas after the Meiji 30s. This paper shows that the shift of the predominant position from wholesale stores to makers progressed in local areas first, before it happened in Tokyo.
Another significant factor in the change of market structure was the large
role played by local wholesale stores like Nakano-Saketen. This was also
connected with the change in the Japanese sake market structure. Although
they had from the very beginning integrated the functions of production
and distribution, local distributors installed by brewing capital developed
rapidly, demonstrating that they could function independently as wholesalers.
This became the condition for the opening up of local markets to large-scale
Japanese sake brewers. This conclusion is the key point of this paper and
represents a new contribution to the history of this field of research.
| Rie TOMINAGA, "Social Catholicism and Organization of Economic Society,
1904-39: on the 'Social Weeks of France'"
The term "Social Catholicism" is used to describe the structural
reform movement of economic society on the European continent under the
leadership of Roman Catholic Church and concerned individuals. The "Social
Weeks of France," established in 1904 as an advanced research center,
played an important part in Social Catholicism.
This paper discusses the development of the social economic structural
reform movement through consideration of the "Social Weeks of France"
from 1904 to 1935. The "Social Weeks" structural reform program
was based on the principle of organising employees and employers into trades
unions and employer associations, and the cooperation of representatives
of these groups on professional councils, and the cooperation of these
councils with the State-Corporatism based on the cooperation between employee,
employer, and the State.
The content of this reform program changed over time. From 1904 to 1914, activists of the "Social Weeks" mainly discussed the organisation of trades unions. In the 1920s, however, they successively presented ideas for structural reform based on the principles of Corporatism. Later, in the latter half of 1930s, activists of the "Social Weeks" began to search for a connection between their ideas of structural reform, and neo-liberal and Protestant theories which assured a price mechanism in markets which otherwise restricted the activities of certain social groups.
There are two reasons for the progression of the reform programs of the
"Social Weeks." First, while the contents of structure reform
program proposed by activists changed with the times, there was no change
in their aim of realising an economic society providing the "assurance
of minimum standard of living" and the "liberty of the human."
Second, the Catholic "Social Weeks" was becoming de-Christianized.
| Kiichiro YAGI, "Emergence of Marxian Scholarship in Japan: Kawakami
Hajime and His Two Critics"
| Xiaohong ZHANG, "Chinese Cotton Textile Industry in Fengtian City during 1920's"
|No.193 (Vol. XLIX, No.1)
Chaisung LIM, "The Establishment of the North China Railway Company
and Wartime Transportation during the Sino-Japanese War, 1937-1945"
With the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War, the Japanese continental railroad system was expanded from Korea and Manchuria into northern China. The management of the railroad became the prerequisite condition that enabled the maintenance of a large occupied territory, the execution of military strategy, and the supply of Chinese strategic goods required for the Japanese wartime economy. Management resources were supplied from the South Manchuria Railway, Inc., and a new transportation entity called the North China Railway Co. (NCR) was established in Northern China. While this entity was formed as a result of Northern China separation maneuvers, the Japanese side compulsorily enforced the nationwide unity of railroad management.
@Wartime transportation was not limited to the local area of Northern China,
but was also strongly interlinked with policy deployment in Manchuria and
colonial Korea. Consequently, a huge transportation demand was also generated
locally both internal and external to the region. Nevertheless, since strengthening
of the transport capacity by huge investment was impossible because of
lack of resources, the NCR tried to enhance transport capacity by increasing
the number and frequency of trains in operation. By this means a labor-intensive
railroad management system was realized with a concomitant increase in
traffic and improvement in productivity.
However, after the outbreak of the Pacific War, in order to compensate
for the decline of marine transportation tonnage, alternative land transportation
was deemed necessary to make possible the supply of important materials
from Northern China to Japan. Although the necessity for unified management
of a continental railroad system was increasingly clear, the shortage of
transport capacity was too vast, and conventional operation became impossible.
Consequently the NCR had no choice but to impose rigorous transportation
controls over local traffic. The NCR however was doomed to failure. Aggravated
by resource restrictions, U.S. air strikes, increasingly intense activity
by anti-Japanese guerrillas and continued severe cold, the NCR reached
the limits of its management capability and faced a transportation crisis.
| Kae SEKINE, "A New Form of Multinational Agribusiness Involvement
in Japanese Agriculture: A Case Study on Dole Japan's Fresh Vegetable Business"
Japanese agriculture has entered a new phase of globalization, in which
the liberalization of agricultural imports and foreign farm workers is
followed by an influx of foreign capital. Dole Japan, Ltd., a subsidiary
of Dole Food Company, started contract farming of fresh vegetables with
1,500 Japanese farmers in 1998. It has also organized several agricultural
corporations across the country since 2000.
The objectives of this article are (1) to analyze the reason why Dole Japan
has invested directly in the Japanese agricultural sector, and (2) to reveal
the actual conditions of its production activity. The means by which the
company has been able to get around entry restrictions imposed by the Agricultural
Land Law is also emphasized.
The background against which this multinational company has entered the
Japanese agricultural sector contains on the one hand the global strategy
of the parent company, and on the other the completion of supply chain
integration in the fresh vegetables and fruits business. What is also important
as an impetus for the company's new strategy is the deregulation of the
distribution system in Japan.
Dole Japan has established three affiliated companies in charge of production
(eight franchise farms), personnel management and negotiation (Hokkaido
Sanchoku Center), and finance business (AgriProduce) respectively, while
Dole Japan itself is responsible for marketing and production planning.
By so doing, the company can meet the requirements of the Agricultural
Land Law, which puts a ceiling on the proportion of a stock company direct
investment in an agricultural corporation. With the full control of the
farms' production planning and its supply chain management coordinated
across the country, the company has for example the biggest market share
in domestically produced broccoli.
Our case study in Hokkaido shows that growing concern among rural communities
about the prospective decline of local agriculture has created suitable
conditions for the realization of the foreign company's business strategy.
Our discussion finally examines the sustainability of agricultural production
managed under the direction of a foreign agribusiness company.
| Jin MATSUKA, "Controlled Economy and the Jewish Problem in Poland in the years 1915-1921"
The main purpose of this paper is to analyze from the viewpoint of problems
created by the food distribution policy the reasons for the stereotype
among some Poles of Jews as black marketeers in the period 1915-1921. This
was part of the controlled economy introduced in occupied Poland by the
German military authorities during the First World War and continued by
the Polish Government in the first years of its existence.
In existing research this stereotypical view of Jews has been analyzed as a theme of political history or as a phenomenon of anti-Semitism. This paper adopts a socio-economical analysis of the actual food distribution policies, that is, the control of the German occupation authorities (Ministry of Distribution, Provincial Office of Grain Distribution-Landesgetreideamt) and later the Polish Ministry of Distribution, National Office of Grain Distribution (Panstwowy Urzad Zbozowy). Their policies had basic defects that proved inherently fatal.
In the first place they could not supply enough grain - a situation caused
by the German policy of the exploitation of Poland and later, during the
Polish era, by the Polish-Soviet War. This resulted in widespread illegal
behavior as a reaction by people who could not obtain enough food. The
official policies for fairer food distribution were not sufficient to control
total food distribution. On the contrary, municipal authorities sometimes
took advantage of defects in the official food distribution system and
intentionally refrained from activities against black marketeers in order
to secure more food for their own population. Once rationing of the food
distribution was introduced partly for the sake of economically weaker
people as a social policy (Sozialpolitik/polityka spoleczna), this contributed
to intensified antagonism between different nationalities living in Poland.
In contrast to Western Europe, official control of food distribution -
such as the municipalization of retail sales, preferential treatment of
co-operatives and so on - could not produce the desired results in Eastern
Europe, where there were no preconditions for the existence of a controlled
| Shunji ISHIHARA, "Welfare State: Today and Tomorrow"
|No.192(Vol. XLVIII, No.4)
| Hiroshi ONO, "The Incidence and Development of the Housing Problem in Tokyo during and after World War I"
This paper aims to clarify the relationship between the urbanization of
Tokyo and the serious housing problem that occurred during and after World
The direct factor responsible for the serious housing shortage in the city was the sudden rise of architectural costs during World War I. Further indirect factors included the relatively lower house rent that could be charged and the rise of land rents in the city. On the other hand, stable housing supply in the suburbs, which was the cause of elastic rent setting, the reduction in the risk of vacant housing, and the abundant supply of housing sites absorbed excess demand in the city. These factors brought about a sprawl of housing development and also a fall in housing quality at the same time.
These problems were the inevitable result of the workings of the housing supply mechanism in the absence of housing policies. In conclusion, the housing problem was solved by sacrificing the location choice and housing quality of the tenant dweller.
| Lee YOUNMI and Nobukazu TANIGUCHI, "The Agricultural Production Juridical
Person invested by the Agricultural Cooperative (JA): Structural Problems
of Japanese Agriculture and the Historical Status of the New Agricultural
Japanese agriculture is now confronted with the succession of generations on a large scale as workers born between 1926 and 1934 (in the single-digit years of the Showa era), until now the backbone of the labor force in Japanese agriculture, reach retirement age. The current outlook for the agricultural system, laying out the structural reform targets for 2015, was determined in March 2005 along with the new foundation plan for food, agriculture and rural society. The goal of nurturing ten thousand juridical person enterprises was raised therein. As one of the sources of creating these new juridical bodies, the JA Investment for Agricultural Production Juridical Person (ALPIC) was for the first time officially recognised in a government document as having the role of nurturing structural reform of agriculture.
ALPIC is anticipated to act as the "agricultural supporter of last resort" (Traeger) in rural areas where family farms, legal entities and community supported production organizations cannot play the role of agricultural producer. It was recognized by the revised land law in 1993, although neither the Ministry for Agriculture, Forestry and Fishery nor the national union of agricultural cooperatives actively nurtured ALPIC at that time. However, with the recent dramatic increase in abandoned farmland and pressure from private enterprise for permission to enter into the utilization of farmland, since 2000 ALPIC has been keenly watched and finally agricultural policy now seeks to actively promote ALPIC.
The new foundation plan for agriculture delineated the community supported production organization as a means of support for agriculture, and in certain areas such as Yamagata and Miyazaki prefectures, new types of community supported production organizations were created. Thus the synchronization of activity between community supported production organizations and ALPIC has occurred in some locales.
This study aims to clarify the construction process, management structure and economic performance of ALPIC, based on replies to a questionnaire carried out nationally in September 2004. Another objective is to clarify the various types of ALPIC on the basis of analysis of individual examples, and to establish the significance of these in the reorganization process of Japanese agriculture.
| Hiroyuki YAMAGATA, "The Agglomeration Factors and Composition of Linkages of Small-middle Size Software Companies in Seattle: An Analysis of Author's Survey Conducted in 2002 and 2003"
| Takahiro OBA, "The Increasing Number of High School Graduate Workers in Post-war Japan"
|No.191 (Vol. XLVIII, No.3)
| Takeru SAITO, "'The War within the War': The Wallace-Jones Feud of
During the years of WWII the power of the state expanded vastly in the U.S. In this atmosphere sharp conflicts between New Dealers and the business community flared up over mobilization for the war, and post-war state building. The New Dealers brought their ideas of social reform into the warfare state, and Vice President H. A. Wallace was a major supporter.
In the opposite corner, the business-conservative alliance, headed by Secretary of Commerce J. H. Jones, stood against the New Dealers. Big business had already recovered its confidence and power, successfully meeting the challenges of the war economy. It made every effort to stop the "Third New Deal," voting against welfare bills, abolishing New Deal directives one by one, and expelling New Dealers from war-mobilizing branches.
Wallace held power over the Board of Economic Warfare (BEW), among others, which was procuring strategic materials overseas, while Jones had long been "czar" of the New Deal credit establishment, the Reconstruction Finance Corporation (RFC), which at that time financed war in general. An irreconcilable duel was fought over the procurement of rubber (a vital strategic material), labor clauses, and so on. But the most serious issue was building the post-war welfare state.
Wallace's side supported the plan of a post-war society with full employment and social security, which was proposed by liberal Keynesians of the National Resource Planning Board (NRPB). The business-conservative alliance, on the other hand, had a vision of a post-war without social reforms.
The conflict reached its climax in the 79th Congress on the "Full-Employment Act of 1945." But economic recovery and conservatism on the whole prevented the "Third New Deal" which New Dealers had hoped for.
| Akihiko AMEMIYA, "Competitive Order and Liberal Interventionism: National
Socialism and Neoliberalism"
This article deals with the history of neoliberal ideas for economic policy formed during the interwar period in Germany. It has long been said that the crisis of capitalism in the Great Depression of the 1930s led to Keynesian state interventionism, in which governments incorporate some elements of socialism into capitalism, and try to partially revise the principle of economic liberalism. The New Deal in the US and Nazism in Germany are both said to be typical cases of this kind of interventionism, although the latter is said to have been economically more successful.
In his work on the so-called "Borchardt controversy" concerning the German economy of the 1920s, however, Charles S. Maier critically reexamined the popular opinion about the relationship between the Nazi economy and Keynesian policy, and argued that the deciding factor of the Nazi economic recovery was the recovery of flexibility in the labor market, which was achieved by lowering the high wages that had been maintained in the second half of the 1920s. Maier showed that the Nazi economic recovery can be interpreted as a process in which the economic problems pointed out by Borchardt concerning the "diseased economy" of the Weimar Republic were gradually solved.
Corresponding to this kind of anti-Keynesian interpretation of German economic policy of the 1930s, the newfound concept of anti-Keynesian and neoliberal state interventionism appeared in Germany at that time. This neo economic liberalism, conceived under the key concept of "order" (Ordnung), was developed as a neoliberal economic policy oriented towards competitive order. It aimed not at revising capitalism socialistically, but at reconstructing the function of the capitalist market economy in accordance with the neoclassical price theory. In this article, the newfound option of state interventionism is examined, and the formation process of the concept is pursued from a historical viewpoint.
| Isao HIROTA, "'The Great War' and Socio-Economic Changes in France"
World War I had important effects on the economy and society of France.
We can see changes along three dimensions: social and economic structures,
institutions and policies, and ideology and mentality. In this paper, we
examine the changes along these dimensions, paying particular attention
to state intervention in the economy and society, and focusing on economic
modernization and the construction of the welfare state.
First, we examine the economic and social characteristics of France before World War I, to understand the changes which occurred due to the Great War, as well as examine the immediate effects caused by the economic mobilization during the War. Next, we call attention to the various plans for economic modernization to overcome the relative economic backwardness, the change of attitude of the labor movement towards the state (the renouncement of "anti-etatisme"), the diminution of resistance to state intervention, and the development of "social reform". Third, we examine later consequences of the changes caused by the Great War. We argue that structural reforms in the economy and society after the World War II, i.e., the nationalization of industries, economic planning, and the social security system, were consequences of the changes that came about due to the Great War. One characteristic of postwar reform in France was that economic modernization was given priority over social reform.
| Takemaro MORI, "The Reorganization of Japanese Farming Village Society,
This paper explores the changes that took place in Japanese farming villages
from 1910 through 1950, as a result of the two World Wars and the Great
Depression. The dismantling of the Japanese landowner system took place
through a three-part process, beginning with the decline of the landowner
system around the time of World War I. Next, we can see changes in the
rural elite at the time of the Great Depression, and in World War II they
lost their ability to function altogether. Postwar agrarian land reforms
marked the last step in the dismantling of the landowner system in Japan.
What drove the reorganization of Japanese farm village society from 1910 to 1950 was the maturation of farm management and the organization of farmers into groups, such as agricultural cooperative associations. During this time, agricultural villages underwent a change from a focus on producing their own food for consumption to a focus on small-scale production of commodities for sale in the market. Based on the rural economy regeneration movement of the 1930s, this change hinged on the efforts of a few core individuals in the agricultural village, and helped to create a new kind of village society. In other words, the organization of farmers' associations, and the new village societies that came about in the 1930s due to the Great Depression, firmly established the social basis for the landed farmer system that came about as a result of the post-WWII land reforms.
| Tomohiko TAKAYANAGI, "Prewar Hot Spring Use: A Case Study of the Atami
Although hot spring usage was restricted by community regulations in the
Edo period, with the relaxation of restrictions in modern times, the exploitation
of hot springs rapidly progressed. The increased usage of hot springs has
brought problems involving adjustment to the development and conservation
of hot springs in hot springs regions. This paper clarifies the process
through which local communities balanced development with conservation
of hot springs after the social class-based restrictions were dismantled,
using the region of Atami, Shizuoka prefecture, as an example.
During the Edo period, one inn, the Yuko, maintained power in Atami with the backing of the Tokugawa shogunate. The Yuko monopolized the usage of the largest geyser (the "oyu") and ruled Atami socially and economically. After the Meiji Restoration, rule by the Yuko collapsed, and the privatization and exploitation of hot springs progressed. The balance of development and conservation changed with the regulations of 1884 to a policy of self-adjustment between hot spring users, based on one control center.
After the 1900's, with the development of the railroad, and the Russo-Japanese War, the situation of the spas of Atami changed. The exploitation of hot springs by outsiders, as well as by inn masters who ignored the regulations, increased, and the policy of self-adjustment by hot spring users which had existed until then ceased to function.
As a result of this dysfunction, the policy of self-adjustment was replaced with new rules regarding usage of the hot-springs, which were to be enforced by the police. However, the police were ineffective, and new disputes arose.
Thereafter, Shizuoka prefecture gave Atami ward the exclusive right to develop and exploit its hot springs. Atami ward established an administrative organization and stabilized the usage of hot springs in the ward. This organization successfully managed and stabilized hot spring use in Atami.
|No.190 (Vol. XLVIII, No.2)
| Natsuki NATAKE, "The Changing Structure of Landownership in the Central District of Osaka, 1937-1955"
This article clarifies the changing structure of landownership in the central
district of Osaka during the wartime and rehabilitation period as the starting
point of postwar Japan. Arguments in preceding studies, regarding the extent
and kinds of change brought upon cities by the total economic control of
the wartime and occupation periods, have thus far been inadequate. This
article also examines the relationship between this change and the subsequent
period of continuous high growth of the Japanese economy.
@The new findings presented here have been derived from a complete survey of the land registry of the central district of Osaka. The survey deals with all of the registered landowners of this area of 1940 and 1955.
@From the perspective of landownership restructuring, it is clear that the wartime and rehabilitation periods can be divided into the following 3 eras: (1) when land restructuring was suspended because of wartime control (1937-1945); (2) when the number of landowners suddenly increased because of postwar reforms (1945-1948); and (3) as a result of the economic recovery, when the concentration of landownership by large firms increased (1949-1955).
@I conclude that during the period studied in this paper, two main historical changes took place in the structure of landownership in Osaka: first, the Edo-type hierarchical landownership structure dissolved, and second, the growth of major industries as large landowners emerged.
| Izumi TAKEDA, "The Irish Linen Trade under the British Mercantile
Why did the Irish linen industry, which had spread throughout the country
by the latter half of the 18th century, experience a rapid decline at the
end of that century? The purpose of this paper is to present a colonial
image of the 18th century Irish linen industry, by investigating the policies
England forced on the Irish linen industry, and how Ireland reacted to
@England's late 17th century measure to promote the manufacture of linens in Ireland was a typically mercantile policy that was carefully designed to pursue the national interests of England, one of which was, at that point, the development of the English woollen industry. However, when linen manufacturing began to develop in Lancashire in the mid 18th century, it became unfavourable for England to encourage the Irish linen manufacturing industry, because it was an obstacle to the development of the Lancashire linen industry. Although the Irish linen manufacturers rarely felt that they were dependent on the English, once the English passed an act that gave the Lancashire linen industry priority over that of Ireland in 1770 (the 1771 Act), they came to recognise that their industry was a colonial type.
After the 1771 Act, the Irish linen industry was depressed sharply while that of Lancashire continued to expand. Furthermore, the outbreak of the War of Independence in colonial America decreased the exports of Irish linens. To overcome these difficulties, the Irish linen industry pressured the English government, and finally got the freedom to trade with the British colonies. It was ironic, however, that by acquiring this freedom, Ireland became aware that there existed many other oppressive British policies over Ireland. In Irish political history, the 1770s and 1780s, when Ireland fought for liberty from England, have been understood positively, but through this movement for freedom, the Irish linen industry realised the limits of their development, and they were incorporated into the growth process of the Lancashire linen industry as a yarn supplier. Furthermore, at the time they clarified this recognition, the Lancashire linen industry was ending its dependence upon Ireland for linen yarns, and taking a leap forward to the manufacture of pure cottons|calicoes.
| YingLin WANG, "Factory Rationalization: the 'Product-Process-Focus'
Strategy of the Sung Sing Cotton Mill Company in the 1930s."
The term "product-process-focus" is used in this paper to explain the integration of production and marketing in the beginning stage of Chinese industrialization. Although it seems natural today that a manufacturing firm would be concerned with both production and marketing in its decision making process, it was not so in the beginning stage of Chinese industrialization. The objective of this paper is to study the development of the Sung Sing Cotton Mill Co., the largest Chinese-owned cotton mill in the 1930s, in order to illustrate the importance of the factory rationalization process.
@The development of the Sung Sing Cotton Mill is the topic of much research. In general, one can divide this research into two categories: those which emphasize the "failure argument," and those which emphasize "bureaucratic capitalization." Different evidence has been offered to support the arguments used by both views. I analyzed Sung Sing's internal system and its crisis management, and concluded: the development of Sung Sing does not fit into either view in the existing literature. Instead, it achieved a development of its own kind.
Specifically, during Sung Sing's financial crisis period, the company was not bureaucratically capitalized. Through the improvement of production efficiency, the re-organization of workers, and management modernization, Sung Sing remained a key player in the Chinese cotton industry. Therefore, neither the argument for Sung Sing's failure nor the argument that it remained in existence due to bureaucratic capitalization can be justified.
| Yoshifumi SAITO, "Office du Travail and Social Reform under the French