No.209 (Vol. LIII, No.1) Oct 2011
OTAKI, Masatoshi"Changes in the Tohoku Horse-breeding Industry and Inter-war Policy concerning the Maintenance of Military Horses: Farmersf Demands to Improve Income from Horse Breeding"
The purpose of this paper is to clarify how the horse-breeding industry was changed by inter-war policy concerning the maintenance of military horses, particularly noting the desire of farmers carrying out horse breeding as a secondary activity to improve their income. Through analysis of data for the Tohoku region, the main horse-breeding area in Japan, this study makes clear the following three points.
1) In the 1920s, farmers chose to breed farm horses instead of military horses. As the demand for military horses decreased with armaments reduction after World War One, the risk of breeding those horses increased. Consequently, farmers attempted to stabilize their income by breeding farm horses, which were sold at a lower price but for which there was a large market. Nevertheless, these attempts were not successful as the maintenance of stallions for breeding was difficult both institutionally and economically, leading some to suspend horse breeding entirely. Such farmers increased the use of their mares in their own farming, offsetting the idle horse-breeding section.
2) In the 1930s, farmers were terribly weakened by the Showa depression and disastrously cold weather. Consequently, they requested the Ministry of Agriculture to cover a part of their breeding expenses to reduce the risk inherent in the horse-breeding business. The Ministry recognized the situation as a military and industrial crisis, and immediately enacted relief policies for farmers. These policies succeeded in increasing their motivation for horse breeding, but such temporary subsidies could not fundamentally improve their economic situation.
3) Further to the above point, farmers also requested the Army to increase purchases of military horses in the colt market, expecting this to raise the price of horses and increase farmersf incomes. However, the Army purchased mainly older horses for immediate use in Manchuria, as a result of which the desired outcome was not achieved.
INOUE, Tatsumi"The British Import Duties Act of 1932 and the Ottawa Preferential Agreements"
In the midsummer of 1931, Britain was in the midst of a severe financial crisis which in the end forced her to abandon the gold standard. In February 1932, within six months after this event, the British Government introduced the Import Duties Bill and adopted full trade protection. These policy turnabouts revolutionized British external economic relations. The Sterling area emerged and the imperial preferential system came into existence after the Ottawa Conference. This paper aims to clarify the economic motives of these dramatic changes of British policy, particularly focusing on the Import Duties Act and the Ottawa Preferential Agreements.
As is generally known, the primary motive for import tariffs was to protect British industry and to combat unemployment. Under the impact of the 1931 financial crisis, however, the debate about tariffs began to centre on the problems of the trade deficit and the depreciation of the value of the pound. At the general election in October, the Conservative manifesto adopted the balance of trade argument for tariffs. After the sweeping victory of the Conservatives, the Government set up the Cabinet Committee on the Balance of Trade in December 1931. The report of the Committee disclosed that in 1931, Britainfs current-account balance moved into serious deficit due to the decrease in the net receipt from invisible exports, and recommended a general tariff to remedy the trade deficit and to restore confidence in sterling by improving the balance of payments.
After the Import Duties Act was enacted, the Ottawa Conference was held between 20 July and 21 August 1932. The primary object of the British delegation at Ottawa was to promote the exports to the Dominions in return for preferences granted under the Import Duties Act. During the world-wide depression and the collapse of primary prices, the heavily indebted Dominions were anxious to increase their trade surplus with Britain. As a result of the Dominionsf hard bargaining, Britain had to make more generous trade concessions to the Dominions than they made to her. The most striking feature of the trade-diverting effect of the Ottawa Agreements was the sharp increase in the proportion of British imports from the Dominions. The deterioration in British trade balances with the Dominions, however, enabled them to avoid default and to rebuild their London balances, thus strengthening the financial unity of the Empire.
Britainfs principal efforts in the 1930s were directed not to protect British industry, but to restore the stability of sterling and to take the initiative in forming a sterling bloc on the basis of confidence in sterling.
AOKI,Takeshi"Transfers of Farmland Tenancy Rights During Land Reform (1947-50): A Case Study of Igara Village, Shimoina District, Nagano Prefecture"
This paper aims to clarify aspects of rural communities in post-war Japan through an examination of transfers of farmland tenancy rights during land reform.
This paper examines Igara Village, a rural district next to Iida City, the central part of Shimoina District. From Shimoina District, many emigrants were sent to Manchuria during the Sino-Japanese War in the period from 1937. There were 214 emigrants sent from Igara Village, about two-thirds of whom came back after World War Two. The treatment of these returnees and also of demobilized troops and refugees from other domestic cities was a difficult problem for Igara Village. Some of them resettled to other prefectures, but others remained in Igara Village. This paper focuses on Osegi District, a district of Igara Village, and clarifies how rural communities (e.g. families, neighbors, and Osegi District) accepted those people who returned to farming in Osegi District through an examination of two types of transfers of farmland tenancy rights: transfers between existing farming households, and transfers from one farming household to newly-established farming households.
Firstly, each existing farming household transferred farmland in its own neighborhood association (kouseikumiai) to adjust an imbalance between the size of each plot of cultivated land and the size of each household, which took place mainly against the background of the above inflow of returnees, demobilized troops and refugees. This transfer of farmland corresponded to the change of landowner-tenant relations brought about by Land Reform through which landowners learned to lease farmland to tenants in the same association.
Secondly, most people who came back to farming obtained farmland solely from their own families, in-laws and neighbors to establish new farming households. However, a few new farming households were established when the owner-cultivator gave his farmland to his children or siblings, perhaps demobilized veterans or returnees from Manchuria, while his tenants in the same neighborhood association also gave some of their own tenanted and cultivated farmland. Additionally, in some cases Osegi District redistributed unused farmland owned by the District to demobilized veterans, or the jobless obtained farmland from the farm households from outside of Osegi District, although with much difficulty.
Finally, owner-farmers were created through these transfers of farmland tenancy rights and constituted rural communities in postwar Japan.
LIM, Chaisung"Japanese National Railwaysf Wartime Human Resources Management, 1937-1945"
The purpose of this paper is to analyze the personnel management of Japanese National Railways (JNR) during the wartime period and clarify the postwar implications of that policy. When the Sino-Japanese War broke out, JNR faced great instability of railroad labor and a concomitant attenuation of skills. In response, JNR reinforced its internal training system and adjusted the disposition of its limited human resources. Through the expansion of incentives including allowances, bonuses and fringe benefits, the decline of real wages was halted. Programs for the ideological reinforcement of laborersf spirit and lifestyle were implemented as well.
However, as the war escalated to become the Pacific War, labor supply was further restricted, finally running short, and the quality of labor consequently deteriorated. As a countermeasure, JNR implemented administrative streamlining and established a personnel maintenance committee, focusing human resources allocation within the organization according to importance. Female workers and students were employed as a new source of labor. In particular, to compensate for a marked decline in living standards, chances of promotion were expanded. Railroad operational efficiency was achieved through this personnel management style and in 1943 JNR reached the highest level of productivity since its foundation.
Nonetheless, in the face of a transportation crisis and with a mainland battle seeming imminent, JNR could not avoid conversion to a military organization. For this conversion, a new rank of Vice Associate Railroad Officer was established as a temporary measure and more than 100,000 personnel were promoted to this rank and the existing Associate Railroad Officer. At the same time, the lowest rank of employee was abolished. These wartime measures and the military organization of JNR were reformed during the radical postwar reorganization of Japanese National Railways under the Allied occupation of Japan.
No.208 (Vol. LII, No.4) July 2010
YAGASHIRO, Hideyoshi"Export Brokers and Interwar Taiwan Rice Shipments"
The purpose of this paper is to examine the distribution process in place between modern Japan and colonial Taiwan during the interwar period, and to position the activities of the main economic actors in response to the actions of the government as commodity regulator. Specifically, I focus on changes among export brokers from the 1920s to the 1930s. In doing so, I pay attention to the actions of economic actors in response to changes in the external environment, and consider the quantitative and qualitative state of the process of commodity distribution that emerges as a result of my analysis of changes in the trading system.
The following findings emerge from this analysis. The expansion of Taiwan rice shipments to Japan following the appearance of horaimai in 1922 was supported by a speculative trading system based on a mixed storage system, and the rice accommodation system made possible by the Yamashita Kisen issue of bills of lading. As a result, a large number of Taiwanese export brokers expanded their business operations and increased market share. However, the aim of these transactions was only to preserve export quantity and did not stimulate the export brokers to improve export quality. Although the amendment of the Taiwan rice inspection law in 1926 aimed to improve the domestic market reputation of Taiwan rice, strict inspections acted to regulate the quantity of rice shipped and provoked excessive competition among export brokers, resulting in a fall in profitability. This aggravation of trading conditions made it difficult for export brokers to continue business and they had no option but to withdraw from the market.
On the other hand, I also show that Japanese exporters facing the same risks dealt positively with these changes in the trading environment by acting to improve quality, such as by the introduction of rubber roll rice hullers. Additionally, I show that although Mitsui Bussan, Mitsubishi Shoji, Sugihara Shoten, and Kato Shokai engaged in intense competition at the beginning of the 1930s, such activity was funded by rebates from shipping companies that profited from the rice trade. That is, I conclude that the change in major actors in the Taiwan rice export trade was due to structural change in the distribution process, the main factors of which were the trading and distribution systems.
KUWATA, Manabu"The Basis of Normative Theory on Sustainability: Well-being, Substitutability and Capital"
Since the 1987 report Our Common Future was published by the World Commission on Environment and Development, debate around the concept of gsustainabilityh or gsustainable developmenth has attracted wide-ranging interest, including not only narrow economic argument over the theory of economic growth under the limits of exhaustible resources, but also distributional issues concerning intra- and inter-generational ecological and social inequality. However, this widespread use the term gsustainabilityh has obscured the meaning of the concept, and the term itself no longer guarantees the generality of the semantic content. Similarly, economic approaches to the formulation of sustainability were never uniform, and each school of economics has attempted to interpret and define the concept of sustainability using their own framework. In particular, environmental economics based on the neo-classical approach is in opposition to ecological economics, which has tried to reconstruct radically the traditional framework of economics in terms of the laws of thermodynamics, on the degree to which natural capital and human-made capital can be substituted for each other. Correspondingly, two normative conceptions of sustainability have been suggested in recent studies of the ethics and economics of sustainability: namely, weak sustainability, to which mainly neo-classical economists have appealed, and strong sustainability, which has been defended from within the tradition of ecological economics.
The main purpose of this paper is to reassess the discord between these two conceptions by returning to the basic concepts which constitute the economic discourse on sustainability, such as the metaphors of natural capital, substitutability, welfare and well-being. Although the above core concepts are open to different interpretations to a certain degree, little critical examination of these concepts has been performed. In fact, to classify conceptions of sustainability in terms of substitutability between goods or capital critically depends upon how we understand the concept of human welfare or well-being. Therefore, by scrutinizing these basic concepts and their internal relations, I shall try to reveal the common flaws of interpretations of sustainability based on subjectivist welfare theory and/or capital theory, as well to identify the differences between the two conceptions of sustainability. Then, it will be shown that as the proper basis of normative theory of sustainability, a shift is required from a subjectivist understanding of human well-being to an objectivist and substantive one.
NISHIHARA, Kyuharu"Characteristics and Internal Order of the Modern Cambodian Village: starting from gRe-reading [Otsuka Hisaofs] eFundamental Theory of the Communityfh"
This paper elaborates on the value of a discussion of gRe-reading [Otsuka Hisao's] eFundamental Theory of the Communityfh concerning Cambodia in particular, and South East Asia in general, both of which have yet to be examined comprehensively in relation to Otsukafs theory of the community, particularly concerning the essence, cohesion, and transitions of the pre-modern community. In the book report, issues relating to occupation/ownership of land by tribal leaders are emphasized in the discussion of the community cohesion and opportunities arising from transition within the community. In particular, Mishina focuses on exogenous factors, emphasizing the role of direct control and exploitation by external forces in village formation.
One issue that has been raised concerning rural Cambodia today is the almost complete lack of permanently functioning institutions, the selfish and transient nature of interpersonal relationships, and the difficulty of organizing productive cooperative action. In this paper, starting from the above discussion, I attempt an analysis of the problems and characteristics of modern rural Cambodia. Through field research and international comparison, I focus on how higher levels of political power relate to the village, and additionally, how the form that the law takes as a result of that relation affects not only the social activities and social relationships of the people, but also is also reflected in the formation of the characteristics of the village.
After two preliminary investigations, the investigation was carried out in February 2008, by conducting interviews with villagers and the village headman in two rural Cambodian villages. The results of this survey showed that expectations of government intervention for development were meager, government presence was weak and national law was ineffective, and social norms held sway among villagers. It was also observed that in relationships with neighbors, and even with intimates within the village, it was recognized by all that individual actions were motivated strictly by the gpursuit of self-interesth, and the concept of gpursuing the good of others or of societyh was almost entirely lacking.
No.207 (Vol. LII, No.3) Apr 2010
AKIMOTO, Eiichi "American Popular and Elite Attitudes toward Economic Policy Vision during the Great Depression"
Many students of the New Deal have focused largely on the elites inside the New Deal bureaucracy formed after Franklin D. Roosevelt came to power, who presented a range of policy visions. This scrutiny of the mood and frustrations at the grass-roots level during the depression has established that those elites who could understand and echo the true feelings of the people in both metropolitan and rural areas were accepted as genuine representatives of the people. I describe these elites as gelites taking the side of the people.h Economically, the New Deal started as a mixture of reflationary policies, abandoning the gold standard, devaluing the dollar by up to 40%, and refusal to participate in currency stabilization at the World Economic Conference in London in order to raise domestic price levels. Farmers in the Midwest desperately needed inflation, because many had suffered land foreclosure and they could not hope for the better future without drastic government measures. They found in Milo Reno, the leader of the Farmers Holiday Association, their genuine spokesman. Additionally, economist Irving Fisher tried to persuade Roosevelt of the validity of his debt-deflation theory, in which effort he considered he had been partially successful.
Unlike Herbert Hoover, Roosevelt departed from the gold standard myth rather early and adopted an expansionary financial policy. Just like Hoover, however, Roosevelt was a firm believer in the doctrine of the balanced budget. Although among other policies his agricultural and work relief expenditures were powerful enough stimuli to bring about business recovery after 1933, at the same time he resorted to heavy tax increases. Consequently, the net contribution of the Roosevelt budget to national income was not large enough to prevent further recession, and after the 1937-38 recession, there was nationwide debate on how to escape from this situation. Farmers and organized labor did not participate in this debate, but economists and politicians in and around the administration and representatives from major trade associations did, and Roosevelt was persuaded to order a major expansion of relief and public works in 1938 and after. Further, it may be wrong to judge the role of the New Deal expenditures as too small, because as a result of the experience of severe depression individuals and corporations alike made every effort to clear their debt, leaving government borrowing from banks the only available substitute engine for economic recovery.
FUKASAWA,Atsushi"The Great Depression and Social Insurance-Family Allowances in 1930s France"
The Great Depression in the 1930s constitutes a crucial turning point in the history of state intervention in France. It is particularly important that this intervention took place not during wartime as in the First World War, but during peacetime, and would therefore be mostly continued after the Second World War.
This article aims to clarify the situation under which the transformation of French social and economic thought took place, especially concerning state intervention, taking the crises of the 1930s as turning point. For this purpose, it examines the points of view of the main French trade union (CGT) and the planistes who advocated structural reform of capitalist society. Also investigated are the opinions of the X-Crise, a kind of brain trust, which consisted mainly of the old boys of lfEcole Polytechnique, a prestigious French school of the natural and social sciences. The majority of this group was in favor of a managed economy, yet by the end of 1930s even the liberal minority had shifted to support some kind of liberal intervention.
Additionally, this article tries to elucidate the problems of the social insurance and family allowance systems that were implemented for the first time in the 1930s as provided for in the law. Particularly it was employers themselves, who had in the 1920s voluntarily founded a system of compensation funds (caisse de compensation) to provide family allowances, who were obliged, after the outbreak of economic crisis, to call for state intervention in order to universalize this system. In this way state intervention for the expansion of purchasing power and mass consumption was realized through the provision of social insurance and family allowances, shaping the foundation of the French welfare state after the Second World War.
MASUDA,Tachihiko"The Historic Development of State Intervention in Industrial Relations in Germany: focusing on the Great Depression of the 1930s."
@This paper considers the historical deployment of state intervention in the determination process of the working conditions in Germany.
@After World War I, the working conditions of entire industries in Germany were determined by collective agreements concluded through autonomous negotiations between employer organizations and trade unions meeting on an equal footing. In principle, state intervention in the process of determining working conditions was avoided, giving companies and workers gautonomy of collective agreementh (Tarifautonomie). But the principle of Tarifautonomie broke down in time. After the start of the Great Depression in 1929, the statefs role in the process of determining working conditions became distinctly more important, and that of the trade unions lost significance. In the Third Reich, trade unions, the pillar of collective industrial relations in the Weimar Republic, were dismantled. In a effect, final authority concerning working conditions was given to government officials termed Labor Trustees, replacing the trade unions. Managers considered to be leaders in the business community would unilaterally determine working conditions from the base line set by the Labor Trustees, and workers lost an autonomous representative of their interests. Furthermore, they lost fundamental rights, such as freedom of workplace movement, and the freedom to conclude contracts. However, especially after 1936, cases were occasionally seen where individual laborers were involved in decision making concerning working conditions. The characteristics of industrial relations in the Weimar Republic which were denied in the Third Reich included strong labor unions, confrontational management-labor relations at the industry level, and autonomous and collective decision making concerning working conditions. However, it is thought many of the characteristics were revitalized on the form after World War II.
@In this paper, the above deployment processes were surveyed through three time periods (the Weimar Republic, the Third Reich, and the post-World War II era), taking particular note of the positioning of trade unions. Several problems and points of discussion for considering the problem of continuity between them are shown.
SHIRAKIZAWA, Asahiko"Formation and Development of the Controlled Economy in Japan"
@This paper first considers whether the controlled economy in the first half of the 1930s was directly connected with the controlled economy of wartime Japan, and second, aims to clarify the meaning of the terms gmodification of capitalismh and greorganization of capitalismh.
@Regarding the first point, in the first half of the 1930s it was thought that a controlled economy and market monopolization were almost the same thing. However, the evils of monopolization were well recognized after economic recovery from the Great Depression, such that the view of the controlled economy as monopolization came to be criticized. Moreover, confrontation between vocational organizations intensified in the first half of the 1930s. Although control regulation for small and medium-sized enterprises existed, for example, in the form of industrial guilds, this was not available to major companies. This problem was solved at last by the 1940 Key-Industries Association Act.
@Concerning the second point, in the first half of the 1930s, correction of capitalism meant the abolition of laissez-faire capitalism. On the other hand, profit control at companies aiming at low prices was asserted late in the 1930s, and companies were expected not just to pursue profit, but also to work for the improvement of the public good. However, profit controls were not instituted, and bureaucrats who tried to do so in earnest were arrested. As such, controlled economy theory came to have no meaning. In contrast, I term the theory of controlled economy which prospered in 1940s Japan the Japanese-principle controlled economy theory.
Controlled economy theory and profit control was not inherited in the postwar period. Consequently, it is suggested that the theory of the controlled economy was different in each of the prewar, wartime and postwar periods. Future research will focus on postwar vocational organizations and control organizations, such as industrial guilds, which continued in existence from the prewar into the postwar period.
No.206 (Vol. LII, No.2) Jan 2010
YAJIMA,Kei "The Twelve-Year National Railway Project in Colonial Korea"
@This paper, by focusing on private investors, clarifies the mechanism by which the colonial government-general aided private railway companies in colonial Korea through the gTwelve-Year National Railway Project.h
The twelve-year project was a large-scale colonial policy in three parts. First, to construct five new lines with a total length of 860 miles between 1927 and 1939; second, to purchase five important lines totalling 210 miles from three private railway companies; and third, to upgrade both the existing national railway lines and those acquired from private companies. Including existing budget allocations the government-general provided 320 million yen over twelve years for the first and third parts, and 26 million yen over five years for the second part.
The government-general gave two reasons for the purchase of the private lines. First, the private lines provided essential connections between newly constructed and existing national railway lines; and second, the private railway companies could employ the proceeds of their sales to complete other railway lines and overcome financial difficulties.
The private railway companiesf financial difficulties were one motivation for the twelve-year project. The companies, many of which were established between 1918 and 1920, immediately faced difficulties in raising capital. The ensuing financial crisis of the post-World War One period saw them able to maintain dividend payments only with financial assistance from the government-general, while remaining unable to raise further capital for the construction of new lines. Investors in private railway companies lobbied for the establishment of the twelve-year project as a solution to the companiesf financial difficulties, and as a result, five lines were bought from three companies after 1927. The funds obtained through the sale of these lines enabled the companies to complete other lines, and a part of the funds flowed back to the Toyo Takushoku Kaisha.
Studies of railway history in Korea to date have concentrated on the national railways, and little is known of the history of the private railway companies. This focus has resulted in a generally accepted understanding that the twelve-year project and the purchase of private lines was no more than a necessary part of the expansion of the national railway. In contrast, by focusing on investors in private railway companies with a direct interest in the project, this paper demonstrates that one highly important aspect of this colonial project was to aid private railway companies and financial institutions through capital provision.
SAKAGUCHI, Masahiko "Acceptance of Agricultural Policy during the First Half of the Rapid Economic Growth Period: A Case Study of Minabara, Shimohisaata District, Iida City, Nagano Prefecture"
@This article aims to clarify how agricultural policy was accepted in rural areas during the first half of the period of rapid economic growth. The following two points are emphasized. First, this field work was carried out not in advanced local communities but in less favored areas. Second, this paper tries to examine several cases where agricultural policy was accepted in a revised form, or was rejected outright.
This is a case study of Minabara, Shimohisakata District, Iida City, Nagano Prefecture. Minabara is located on a steep slope and consequently may be regarded as a less favored area. The immediate problem was to improve farm roads to enable development of the area, and for this reason agricultural policy focused primarily on road construction. This was strongly opposed by most local farmers.
For the first agricultural infrastructure improvement project, the Minabara community was divided into two groups, those in favor of the project, and those opposed to it. When Iida City proposed the first agricultural infrastructure improvement project to improve the local road system, the group in favor declared their support for the total development of farm roads through this policy. On the other hand, the opposing group argued that a project of such scale was unacceptable as it would be too great a burden for the community. Those in favor persuaded the opposing group to accept the project by pledging that the projectfs beneficiaries would fund it though donations in order to reduce the burden of the community as a whole, and that the project would only involve the construction of farm roads.
I analyze several cases in the approval of this project: it was accepted by a revision of agricultural policy, but at the same time it was rejected in some less favored areas. While Nagano Prefecture attached importance to implementing policy without any modifications, the local authorities tried to deal with the problem more flexibly. Lastly I demonstrate how members of the Minabara community reached an agreement regarding the approval of this project through discussion and the public spirit formed through this process.
HASHIMOTO,Noriyuki "Japan's Industrial Policy during the Period of High Growth and Investment Adjustment Strategy : Revisiting the Case of 300,000-ton Ethylene Plants"
@Previous research on Japan's plant investment adjustment policy during the high-growth era, has tended to limit its focus to the investment adjustment itself. Even while focusing on the Ethylene 300,000-ton standard of 1967 for the Japanese petrochemical industry, it is difficult to discern the promotion mechanism for plant investment competition.
@In this paper, we would like to clarify the relationship between industrial policy and the underlying mechanisms which led to overinvestment, by expanding the area of analysis to the industrial policies on both raw material and demand sides, and by considering the role of the inter-company consortia in joint or alternate investments, in order to understand the investment adjustment strategy of the Petrochemical Cooperative Discussion Group during the period 1964 to 1974.
@Management in the 300,000-ton ethylene plants on a micro level between companies has also been analysed.
@Adjusting plant investment through industry cooperation was an industrial policy instrument which was derived from administrative guidance rather than founded in law. The setting of the Ethylene 300,000-ton standard involved a transition from a emacro adjustmentf method based on an overall demand forecast and standard rate of operation, to a method designed to value the effects of emicro adjustmentsf for each individual petrochemical complex. However, factors such as the short term of the investment cycles, increasing use for producing polyvinyl chloride, and the prior policy of favoring Japanese capital in the oil refining industry, combined to promote competition during the micro adjustment phase for each 300,000-ton plan, resulting in the overinvestment. As for the plant utilization rate before the influence of the oil crisis, this was not too low. However, a large difference in the rate was observed between firms according to the size and number of plants they operated.
KUMAGAI,Yukihisa "The Influence of Provincial Mercantile and Manufacturing Interests over Britainfs Trade Policy in Early 19th-century Asia"
@ The purpose of this article is to reassess Cain and Hopkinsf gentlemanly capitalist explanation of British imperialism in Asia during the first half of the nineteenth century through an examination of the lobbying activities of the Glasgow East India Association (GEIA) against the renewal of the East India Companyfs charter during the period 1812-1813.
The organisation represented both mercantile and manufacturing interests in Glasgow, and was remarkable in particular for the presence of those involved in the West India trade and the cotton industry. The involvement of various different economic interests in the campaign indicated that their lobbying activities were widely supported by the business elite of the city. However, at the same time, the case of the West Indian merchants, who during the campaign demanded protection for their existing trade at the expense of the East India trade, shows that there were some divisions among provincial interests. Nevertheless, it is difficult to argue that such divisions critically affected the provincial lobbyistsf ability to organise their campaign.
After their initial negotiations with the Government in April, 1812, the representatives of Glasgow and other provincial towns and ports recognised that the Government would change their position if it could be proved that the opening of the import trade from India to provincial ports would not have a negative impact on the secure and efficient collection of customs duties. Therefore, they set this topic as their main focus and strongly lobbied the Government. This case study shows that the limited influence of the provincial lobbyists and the significance of the opinion of the Board of Trade in the East India question, on which Webster insists, appear to be overstated. The GEIAfs records show clear evidence that provincial interests strongly lobbied the Board of Trade. Regarding the decision on the opening of the India trade, although Webster stressed the significance of the governmentfs economic strategies during the wartime period, this was in fact a response to demands from the provincial mercantile and manufacturing interests who needed a stable supply of cheap food and raw materials and the resolution of social unrest. From Lord Buckinghamshirefs statements and the provincial lobbyistsf influence on the Board of Trade, it is clear that the Governmentfs change of opinion on the import trade from India was the result of strong lobbying organised by provincial interest groups.
In relation to the Scottish contribution to the formation of Britainfs imperial policy, although the GEIA made attempts to encourage other Scottish towns to join the campaign, their activities were not confined to Scotland. Close communication with other major provincial towns throughout the UK helped them develop their national lobbying strategy.
No.205 (Vol. LII, No.1) Oct 2010
HAN, Jaehyang "The Foundation of Credit Unions by the Korean-Japanese Minority: The 1950 's-60 's"
This paper examines the process through which credit unions were founded by the Korean-Japanese minority, placing particular emphasis on the political and economic conditions that prescribed and enabled their establishment within the historical setting of the North-South conflict.Organized activity by Korean-Japanese political organizations such as Choren, the Federation of Korean-Japanese People, was instrumental in creating the first credit union in the period of reconstruction after World War II. In the ambiguous situation arising while the legal status of the Korean-Japanese was yet to be defined and the establishment of credit unions was not yet certain, organized action by the Korean-Japanese was an important driving force behind joint establishment of credit unions for the elimination of discrimination. However, while the effect of political divisions did not appear immediately, the north-south conflict gradually penetrated the credit union, resulting in the purge of those with differing political opinions. To service those Korean-Japanese who were excluded from the first, a second credit union, the Shogin, was ultimately established by the business community associated with South Korea. Thus, political and economic factors were compounded in the background of this nationwide rollout of the two credit unions.
The establishment process of Shogin was not necessarily smooth. One problem was the lack of knowledge regarding financial institutions in the South Korean-Japanese community; another was that despite the will to establish the Shogin, there were not the financial resources to do so. A further problem was that the financial authorities regarded all Korean-Japanese customers as South Korean citizens, which for legal reasons resulted in the lengthy delay in its establishment. In such conditions, the establishment of Shogin was ultimately accomplished with support from ethnic-political institutions such as Mindan, the Federation of Korean-Japanese People, and financing from the South Korean government, which committed to the establishment of the credit union as political conflict with the north sharpened. In the end many small credit unions emerged prefecture by prefecture since they were prescribed for political as well as economic reasons. These credit unions had limited operational scope as financial institutions from the beginning, due to their funding scale. Future growth thus relied on population size and the economic viability of the Korean-Japanese community in the area covered by each union.
ITAGAKI, Yumiko "The Liquor Sales Control Agency: Capital Adjustments from 1941 to 1945"
Sales control agencies, civilian-run organizations created at the behest of the Japanese government, were established in wartime Japan in two fields of business. One was the buying and selling of goods, the other was for payment of compensation to wholesalers that had gone out of business. The latter was not an easy task for the sales control agency. Vast funds were necessary for compensation payments, yet it was difficult for the sales control agency to obtain sufficient profit because the buying and selling of goods was restricted by the distribution control agency. Consequently, it was necessary for the sales control agency to raise further capital through internal adjustments.
The aim of this study is to clarify how the sales control agency raised sufficient capital for a business compensation fund, using as examples two liquor sales control organizations, the gGreater Japan Liquor Sales Companyh (GLC) and the gPrefectural Liquor Sales Companyh (PLC).
The financial statements of the GLC and PLC show that initially the PLC paid compensation to businesses out of its operating profit. However, after 1943, the GLC funded the PLC's compensation payments. Much of the PLC's business profit was transferred to the GLC, which then redistributed a portion of it to the PLC. In other words, the GLC carried out the capital adjustments required for compensation payments.
This redistribution began because of the emergence of regional differences in compensation payments. After capital redistribution by the GLC, regional disparities in compensation payments were reduced. However, over the same period, the volume of liquor production deteriorated, reducing the ability of the sales control agency to fund compensation payments from its income and consequently compensation payments were restricted.
In other words, the sales control agency created a structure to redistribute operating profit to fund compensation payments.
TAKATSUKI, Yasuo "The Protection of Property Rights in Tokugawa Japan: The Case of the Osaka Rice Exchange Market"
This paper tries to clarify the judicial system of the Tokugawa period by focusing particularly on the Osaka rice exchange market.
It is well known that the Tokugawa Shogunate exercised jurisdiction over market trades not exclusively, but in a discretionary fashion. For example, while the claims of merchants in Osaka were fully guaranteed by the Shogunate court, the claims of merchants in Edo were sometimes handled in a discretionary manner by the Shogunate court.
The important question is how did the Shogunate guarantee the claims of merchants operating in the Osaka rice exchange market, and why?
Rice, collected as tax in kind and shipped by the feudal lords, was stored in warehouses (gkura-yashikih) located in Osaka, and sold at auction. Rice brokers who made successful bids received rice bills (gkome-kitteh), each worth 1,500kg of rice. In the 17th century, each rice bill corresponded to a particular amount of rice that the broker obtained at auction. Later, this correspondence broke down and rice bills took on the characteristics of securities.
Issuing a rice bill not backed by inventory had not been permitted by the Shogunate since 1761. However, the Shogunate did not entirely suppress this kind of rice bill. While the governor of Osaka (gOsaka-machi-bugyoh) implicitly allowed warehouses to issue unbacked rice bills, he forced the warehouses to respect the claims of the rice bill holders. This meant that claims over rice in kind, as represented by the rice bill, were protected by the court of the city of Osaka.
This understanding is supported by the analysis of a grun on the warehouse.h In 1791, the Chikugo warehouse (gChikugo-Gurah) failed to convert rice bills into rice in kind. In response, rice bill holders filed a lawsuit with the court of the city of Osaka. The governor of Osaka found for the rice bill holders, protecting the claim over rice in kind as represented by rice bills.
As shown in this case, dishonoring a rice bill could lead to a systemic risk. For this reason the Shogunate strictly exercised jurisdiction over the Osaka rice exchange market. Supported by the judicial system provided by the Tokugawa Shogunate, the Osaka market functioned both as a rice exchange market and as a financial market through the latter half of the Tokugawa era.
No.204 (Vol. LI, No.4) July 2009
IKEJIMA Yoshifumi "The United Nations and Transnational Agribusinessesf Cooperative Model for Agricultural Development in Developing Countries: The Case of the FAOfs Industry Cooperative Programme (ICP)"
@ In fighting the hunger and poverty that still afflict many people in todayfs world, the United Nations has been turning to partnership with transnational corporations (TNCs) when formulating and implementing development policies. However, seeking partnership with TNCs is not something new for the UN. Indeed, as an early case of such partnership, we can trace back to the Industry Cooperative Programme (ICP) initiated by the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) in the 1960s and 1970s.
@ The ICP was intended to introduce TNCsf expertise in management control and advanced technology into agricultural development in developing countries under the umbrella of cooperation between the FAO, governments of developing countries and transnational agribusiness corporations. This cooperation through the ICP is arguably a pioneering example of a Public-Private Partnership (PPP). Indeed, a lot of transnational agribusinesses participated in the ICP, whereby they could expand their business and exploit new markets in target countries, while advertising their gcontributionh to those developing countries.
@ Although the program is highly thought-provoking for the study of TNCs and international political economy, it has rarely been the subject of academic attention. The primary purpose of this paper is to analyze the historical circumstances and significance of the cooperative partnership between UN agencies and transnational agribusinesses, by reference to the literature of the ICP, including FAO official documents. This paper mainly focuses on the interests and conflicts among stakeholders involved in the program, using ICP projects in Turkey and Nigeria as particular cases of the process of transnational agribusinessesf penetration into developing countries. Furthermore, by paying attention to the process by which TNCs increased their political influence within the United Nations system through the program, we present how the institutional setting of PPP between the UN and TNCs was formulated through agricultural development in developing countries. Finally, by unpacking the tangled relations of stakeholders in the program and relevant UN conferences, the multilayered structure of the international political economy shaped by the key actors - UN agencies, nation-states and transnational corporations - is revealed with implications for underlying problems in ongoing, PPP-oriented development policies of the UN.
KOBAYASHI Noburu "Nagoya Prefecturefs Trade Policy in Early Meiji Japan"
@The Commercial Office (Shōhō-shi) and Trade Office (Tsūshō-shi) are important for understanding the trade policy adopted by the Meiji Restoration government and much analysis has focused on these two departments, in particular on the study of the Exchange Company(Kawase-Kaisha). As a result, it has become commonly accepted that the gDistrict-focusedh system changed to a gGovernment enterpriseh system. However, some issues in the study of the Trade Company (Tsūshō-Kaisha) still remain unresolved, and the purpose of this paper is to reconsider the Tsūshō-shifs trade policy through the example of the Trade Company of Nagoya (Nagoya Tsūshō-Kaisha).
@In the early Meiji period, there were two important institutions in the Nagoya area: the Commercial Office and Enterprise Association (Shōhō-Kaisho) and the Domestic Products Association (Kokusan-Kaisho). At first, the Shōhō-Kaisho aimed to renovate and control the Kabunakama (merchant guilds of the Tokugawa period) and to provide financing for merchants, while the Kokusan-Kaisho aimed to facilitate business with remote areas. After the Shōhō-shi was abolished in 1869, the Kokusan-Kaisho gradually took on the functions of the Shōhō-Kaisho. Additionally, the Shōhō-Kaisho and Kokusan-Kaisho issued local currency to supply needed low denomination bills. This local currency could be exchanged with Daijokan notes, enhancing monetary credit.
@However in April 1871, the Kokusan-Kaisho was replaced with a newly established institution, the Trade Company of Nagoya. The company attempted to exert control over Nagoya merchants by issuing licenses and by assigning a leader or Sewakata to each merchant group. In addition, the company collected money from merchants in Nagoya, and the pooled money was used as working capital (shinboku-ko).
@The local administration and merchants in Nagoya Prefecture played a central role in planning and implementing their own policies, and attempted to promote trade within the local area and with foreign countries. The trade policy adopted by the Restoration government focused mainly on overseas trade and neglected to take account of local benefit. Hence, some prefectures did not adhere to these policies and maintained their autonomy from the central government.
KOBA Toshihiko "The Control of Motorized Sailboats during the Pacific War"
@ Prior to the Second World War, much of the coal mined in Kyushu and Yamaguchi was transported through the Seto Inland Sea by motorized sailboat. This motorized sailboat transportation system was taken under government control during the Pacific War and could have proved of some utility. This paper clarifies how and why the system failed, through an analysis of the transport management organizationfs problem recognition and ability to implement countermeasures, and also aims to create a more concrete understanding of the decline of marine transportation power, of such crucial importance during WWII, in the wartime Japanese economy.
@In order to increase coal supply, full-scale control of the motorized sailboat system was started in 1942 and most of the motorized sailing traders were taken under government management. From 1943 mobilization of traders was strengthened and a variety of measures were taken for the reinforcement of transport capacity. Nevertheless, far from increasing, coal traffic from Kyushu and Yamaguchi decreased.
@Within the transportation plan for Kyushu and Yamaguchi coal, a bottleneck was created by the exclusive use of some vessels by the army and a number of factories. On the other hand, contradictions surfaced during the process of development of the control system and as the acceleration of mobilization of motorized sailboats proceeded. These can be classified in the following three forms. First, because of the peculiar nature of the motorized sailboat business and in spite of repeated investigations, the control organization was not able to develop an overall picture of the tonnage and status of the vessels and consequently there were problems in drawing up and implementing policies. Second, mobilization for national purposes did not proceed smoothly and some traders refused to join the control system. Third, problems remained in making full use to plan of those vessels that were employed for national use.
@Lack of replacement staff due to conscription, shortage of staff, supplies and fuel, and low wages in a context of ever increasing prices, motorized sailboat owners evaded the planned transportation system or chose to sell their vessels on the secondhand ship market. These complex restrictions brought about the failure of the controlled transportation system.
No.202 (Vol. LI, No.2) January 2009
HIRAYAMA, Tsutomu, "The 1933 Stock Issue of the South Manchuria Railways Company and the Change in Structure of the Shareholder Body"
@ The purpose of this article is to clarify the actions of the South Manchuria Railways Company (SMR) and its shareholders during the period of the 1933 SMR stock issue, using documents from the closed institutional records of its Tokyo branch. My interest in this issue is to establish how the SMR achieved this capital increase from private sector shareholders and investors in general, given the turbulent business environment resulting from the Manchurian Incident and the resulting increased scrutiny of the SMR itself. At the same time, I consider the significance of changes in the shareholder body during the take-up period by examining the reorganization of the SMR. In summary, this article establishes the following four points.
@First, bids for the newly-issued common stock were distributed approximately into two groups, the majority of bids clustering around the 53 yen mark, below the lower price of the offering. The record of the public offering shows that while some general investors were enthusiastic during the gManchuria boom,h others demonstrated a rather more cool attitude. Second, after the new stock came into circulation, it was rural shareholders who took up new and outstanding stock sold off by urban shareholders in areas such as Tokyo, Osaka, Aichi, Kanagawa and Hyogo prefectures. The proportion of stock held by rural shareholders increased, and the number of shareholders also showed a greater rate of increase in rural areas than in urban. Throughout the take-up period, the relative importance of rural shareholders increased within the SMR shareholder body. Third, the sale of SMR stock by urban shareholders was triggered by political intervention in the SMR from the period of the Manchurian Incident to the time of the stock issue and the resulting management uncertainty and poor outlook. On the other hand, the reason that rural shareholders bought up the stock was that within the context of a widening loss of confidence in regional banks, an improved genvironment for investmenth brought about the stable circulation of reliable SMR stock which was seen as a haven for investment.
@Finally, the transformed shareholder body successfully demanded the restructuring of the SMR to ensure the recovery of the share price and the payment of dividends. Within the context of an increase of issued stock and diversification of the body of shareholders, the SMR could not ignore the specific demands of a large body of shareholders, numbering some tens of thousands of registered individuals, and as such it may be said that the shareholder body was able to exert a form of ggovernanceh over the SMR.
LEE, Chang Min, "Telegraphic Policy of the Government-General of Korea and Telegraph Installation Activities of Koreans"
@This essay explores the role of Korean colonialss in the process of extending telegraphic services from 1910 to 1937. UnlikeIn contrast to previous studies which have focused on the telegraphic policies ofled by the Japanese Government-General of Korea, I further examinewill focus on the role and activities of Korean colonialss in extending telegraphic services during this period.
@First, as one of several industrial promotion programs implemented by Japan, budget allocation for the implementation of telegraphic policies was relatively high until 1915. Although this spending declined for a while with the introduction of a financial plan for a self-sufficient colonial Korea, it began to increase again after World War I. However, as a result of the g3.1 Independence Movementh in 1919, the budget for telegraphic services was spent almost entirely on facilities for the military and police ruling colonial Korea, rather than on facilities for the public. This trend continued in the 1930s, assigning budget allocations for the construction of a telegraphic network for the government and control of colonial Korea and Manchuria.
@Second, most new public telegraphic facilities in colonial Korea took the form of telegraphic facilities created by petition (seigan denshin shisetu) and by donation (kifu denshin shisetu), established since the 1920s through investment by Korean colonialss. While programs for telegraphic expansion stagnated as a result of tight fiscal policy, demand for telegraphic services increased dramatically and resulted in the gtelegraphic congestionh of 1918. In the face of this congestion, private organizations began action pressing the Government-General for the expansion of telegraphic facilities. Both facilities established by petition and by donation played a significant role in the extension of telegraphic services in colonial Korea from the 1920s to the first half of the 1930s. These facilities established with the encouragement of Korean colonialss, especially public-spirited men of the locality (chiikiyushi), facilitated the transformation of colonial Korea into a market- and information-oriented society.
@Existing studies have seen the telegraphic service in colonial Korea as a mean of colonial suppression and a part of an imperial telecommunications network connecting Japan with colonial Manchuria. This paper argues that the telegraphic facilities created through investment by Koreans colonials also played a leading role in the extension of telegraphic services since the 1920s.
No.201 (Vol. LI, No.1) October 2008
Rie, Sofue, "A Re-examination of the International Competitiveness of the Japanese Shipbuilding Industry from the End of the 1950s to the Early 1960s: the Myth of having 0utstripped the Western European Countries at Building Efficiency"
@This paper analyzes the international competitiveness of the Japanese shipbuilding industry from the end of the 1950s to the early 1960s. The predominant view is that Japanese shipbuilders steadily improved their building efficiency after the Second World War and eventually obtained the largest share of the world market by garnering a good reputation for strict observance of delivery time. Indeed, since 1956, Japan had ranked first in terms of the total gross tonnage of merchant vessels launched in the world, and held this position until 1999. However, many previous studies have assumed, without sufficient evidence, that Japanese shipbuilders and other shipbuilders competed to obtain orders in the same market. Moreover, it is doubtful that labour efficiency in the shipbuilding industry in Japan was much higher than in the Western European countries in the 1950s and the early 1960s. This means that we need to look for factors other than labour efficiency to explain how Japanese firms succeeded in obtaining orders.
@This article challenges the common supposition. In fact, Japanese shipbuilders received foreign orders from emerging Greece owners and the Western European shipbuilders got orders from the U.K. and Norway. The evidence demonstrates that Japanese and Western European shipbuilders' markets were generally unrelated - they each had different sets of customers during this period.
@Previous studies have also asserted that Japanese shipbuilding grew because it was far superior to that of Western European countries in its ability to expand oil tanker capacity. However, such a conclusion disregards the practices of the shipbuilding industry: large vessels were built along specifications required by customers rather than simply built by shipbuilders on the anticipation of an order. There has been little discussion of the possibility that Western European shipbuilders did not need to expand the capacity of their oil tankers simply because the specifications from their customers did not request this. Little attention has been paid to the relationship between tanker size and the actual navigation routes used. The data indicates that Japanese domestic shipowners were the only customers in the world that required constant expansion in their oil tanker sizes due to the fact that they did not navigate the Suez Canal.
@By examining these points, this article provides new explanations for the growth of the Japanese shipbuilding industry from the end of 1950s to the early 1960s that more accurately reflect the specific characteristics of the shipbuilding industry and the available empirical data.
Asuka, Imaizumi, "The Effects of Clustering and the Features of Factories in Clusters: The Case of the Machinery Industry in Late Meiji Tokyo "
@The purpose of this article is to substantiate the effects of industrial clusters on constituent individual factories, focusing on the case of the machinery industry in Tokyo in the late Meiji Era. Recently, while the role of small and medium-sized factories in the development of the Japanese economy has come to be evaluated positively, it has also been recognized that many, especially small and medium-sized, factories often formed clusters. Therefore, it is important to investigate the effects of clusters on their constituent factories in order to understand the mechanism of economic development. For this purpose, I use a comprehensive list of factories which covers small and medium-sized factories dating back to the early stages of industrialization.
There are principally two conceptual frameworks on industrial clustering. The one focuses on quantitative agglomeration of firms in general, and the other focuses on gflexible specializationh in addition to quantitative agglomeration. In this paper, I use the former framework to examine the broad effects of industrial clusters, such as information sharing, formation of skilled labor market, and development of related industries.
@First, I analyze quantitatively the influences of clustering, using the panel data constructed from five lists of factories issued in 1904, 1906, 1909, 1911 and 1916. Through this analysis, I show that the establishment of factories was more active inside clusters, factories tended to move out of clusters when they expanded their business, and survivability of factories was higher inside the clusters. Then, I investigate the reasons for these phenomena using descriptive materials, and I conclude that ggathering effectsh such as gflexible specializationh, a skilled labor market, related industries and the sharing of information played an important role, which was backed by the historical environment of high worker mobility and little transactional relationship between large and small factories.
Kunio, Nishikawa, "On the Factors behind the Current Decline in the Price of Rice "
@Japan experienced its first sharp decline in the trend of rice prices after WWII, and consequently it is important to establish the factors behind this event. This paper, focusing on changes in consumer demand for rice and the development of labor adjustment in the national economy, makes ample use of statistical data to examine the factors behind the decline in the price of rice from the latter half of the 1990s.
@First, the portion of the change in rice consumption from the latter half of the 1990s to the first half of the 2000s that can be attributed to broad adjustments in the labor market was determined. From this analysis, it became clear that the first post-war long-term fall in both wage levels and numbers of workers was taking place; that this decline was heavily biased towards the construction, manufacturing, logistics and service industries at the level of the small- and medium-sized enterprise; and from analysis of the gFamily Income and Expenditure Surveyh that the impact of this labor adjustment was biased towards the members of the lower income classes. Low-income classes were most affected by labor adjustment.
@Further, I establish that from the latter half of the 1990s, reducing income levels lead to lower-income classes spending less on rice, and the difference with the price of rice paid by higher-income classes increased. The implication is that reducing income levels of the lower-income classes strengthened the tendency to lower prices of rice.
@Additionally, it is clearly established that the increase in the take-out/eating out consumption pattern is a factor in the reducing price of rice. The reason is that the use of blended rice by the take-out/eating out industry makes it easier to establish a cheap rice consumption pattern among consumers.
@Through my analysis, I clearly show that the reduction in the price of rice is not a matter of factors internal to the agricultural industry, but is due rather to external factors, in particular the impact of labor adjustment on consumers and the corresponding changes in their consumption patters. The price of rice thus entered a new phase in the period from the latter half of the 1990s.
Masatoshi, Otaki, "Farmersf Responses to the Maintenance of Military Horses in the Inter-war Period"
The horse industry in modern Japan was consistently lead by military demand for military horses; however the interwar period should be considered. In this period, armaments reduction decreased the political and economic influence of the Army on the horse industry.
@The purpose of this paper is to clarify how the maintenance of military horses was practiced in the period, and especially how it was related to simultaneous advances in the streamlining of agricultural management. Through analysis of data regarding the Tohoku region, the main source of horse stock in Japan, this study makes clear the following two points.
@1) The policy of the horse industry in the inter-war period was to create a demand for militarily-required "improved-horses", in farmersf horse breeding. Due to armaments reduction, the Army was no longer able to maintain military horses by itself. Therefore, it intended to entrust their maintenance to the Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry by replacing military demand for horses with that of farmers.
@2) To carry out this policy, technicians of the Ministry encouraged farmers to increase the use of horses. This was intended to increase their income brought from work performed by horses, and to make them keep improved-horses while streamlining agricultural management. But it was only large farmers that implemented this plan.
@In contrast, small farmers refused to accept this policy, because their scale of management was too small to exercise the abilities of the improved-horses. Instead, they requested to streamline their management systems by using ponies, which cost less than improved-horses but were not required for military purposes. Nevertheless, their request could not be realized as the use of stallions to produce ponies was prohibited by law. As a result, small farmers were forced to keep improved-horses uneconomically. The supply of many military horses in the following war period would not have been possible without their sacrifice.
No.200 (Vol. L, No.4) July 2008
Ito, Masanao, "A Preface to the Special 200th Commemorative Issue"
|Numajiri, Akinobu, "Urban Formation and Landowners in Rural Communities
of the 1930sF A Case Study of the Tachibana Land Readjustment Association"
This paper aims to clarify characteristics of urban formation in pre-war Japan through discussion of the activities of landowners implementing land readjustment projects in the 1930s.
This paper examines Tachibana Village, a rural district adjacent to the City of Amagasaki in the Kawabe District of Hyogo Prefecture. In accordance with a plan to create a new station on the Tokaido Line, resident landowners sought to form a land readjustment association. In the land readjustment area, a small number of landowners owning 2 hectares or more of land owned about 40% of the land in the entire district; of these landowners, those residing in the village pushed for association formation. Large-scale landowners residing in the village gathered letters of consent to land readjustment from each community, employed an engineer, and drafted a design for the project. They eliminated the problem of disagreements by paying compensation to peasants cultivating land in the land readjustment area. Hyogo Prefecture approved the project plan, and the Tachibana Land Readjustment Association was established in November 1933.
Using the rise in land prices due to the development of rural land into
housing, the Association sold the land provided by its members and used
the revenue to create Tachibana Station and lay roads and water lines.
Construction proceeded as planned, and as a result the number of residents
in the district rose sharply. Large-scale landowners residing in the village
prepared housing sites by reclaiming rice fields on land they owned and
earned rental income by leasing it. There were, however, instances where
landowners subdivided the land when leasing it. Some of the landowners
who resided outside the village did not reclaim the rice fields on the
land they owned. In such cases, the rice fields remained until after the
war, when peasants cultivating rice fields demanded an end to concentrated
land ownership. Thus, a chaotic urban area was formed in the adjustment
area; unlike the ordered tracts in the draft design, dense housing construction
proceeded on the one hand while on the other rice fields were scattered
throughout the area, with some even located in front of the station. The
project by the Association that the landowners had pushed for did contribute
to urban improvement in that roads and water lines were laid, but the project
had depended on the landowners, so there was no way to place restrictions
on private land use by the large-scale landowners.
|Isawa, Masaoki, "Organization and Development of Canal Trustees in
the Illinois Internal Improvements in the Years 1836-1871"
The purpose of this paper is to clarify neglected aspects of the canal history of the nineteenth century, focusing on the role of the canal trustees of the Illinois and Michigan canal (1845-1871) in comparison with the failed enterprise managed through the canal commissioners appointed by the state legislature (1836-1843). Previously, the success of private companies has been explained by the financial difficulties of the state government and the increasing influence of private capitalists in the 1850s as compared with the 1830s. However, hostility to private companies prevailing throughout the country overturned a proposal to sell the canal to private business, and led to a movement for the transfer of the deed of the canal to the trustees of the Illinois and Michigan canal appointed by foreign investors and the state government.
The canal was not able to make use of lake water when it opened in 1848, because a deep cut canal project to give the canal direct access to the waters of Lake Michigan was too expensive and the state government was short of capital. However, the canal trustees were created with the purpose of abandoning this earlier plan and instead of constructing a canal tapping into the canal feeders. As a result, water power was supplied by pumping water out of the Chicago River and from the canal feeders in order to solve the water shortage in Illinois River. The canal feeders supported by the pumping engine promoted the interrelationship between the inland navigation and the Chicago waterway, and helped to start the city of Chicago on its growth as the great inland lake port of the Midwest.
Despite preferable conditions, Illinois and Michigan canal trustees become increasingly unable to control both water power for hydraulic needs and pumping water supply for transportation on inland navigation in the depression years of the late 1850s. As a result, there was no direct relationship between the canal business and regional developments in the Upper Illinois Valley.
|Watanabe, Chihiro, "The Organization of Immigrant Workers in France
in the 1920s: The Activities of the SGI"
This paper analyzes in detail the SGI (la Societe Generale d'Immigration), which developed and managed the recruitment and introduction of immigrant workers to France. This analysis will enable us to clarify the characteristics of the 1920s in the history of French immigration policy. The SGI was a recruitment company founded by the professional organization of the mining and agriculture industries, which were demanding immigrant workers. Under "a mixed system" (un systeme mixte) constituted of the State and the management, the SGI intervened in the recruitment of immigrant workers in Eastern European countries including Poland and Czechoslovakia; this activity contributed to the introduction of about four hundred thousand immigrant workers into France. Thus I infer that the activities of the SGI related to the organized recruitment, introduction and transport of foreign workers were one of the factors behind the rapid increase of foreign population experienced by France in the interwar period.
When the SGI was established, it functioned on the basis of the rules of the Convention ofFrance and Poland. However, as a cooperative relationship was gradually built up between administrative organs of the State and the SGI, the society began to take on responsibilities for immigration control. Moreover, while it made a huge profit from the transport of short-term contracted immigrant workers, it also introduced family immigrants in order to solve the problem of labor force instability from which management in the mining and agricultural industries had suffered. In the mining industries, immigrant workers and their families were included in this paternalism, permitting them to settle according to their nationalities and allowing their descendants the opportunity to learn their native language and history. In the domain of agriculture, the SGI ran a settlement business and in particular established a settlement company with the cooperation of the Polish government, aiming at introducing Polish immigrants into the wasteland areas of southwest France.
Therefore I argue that these activities of the SGI exercised an important influence upon the organization of immigrant workers in the interwar period. In the 1920s, the State depended on the SGI for the introduction and control of immigrant workers. This dependence not only resulted in a laissez-faire French immigration policy, it was also a major reason that the problems related to immigration were not analysed from an overall perspective.
| Spoerer, Mark and Jochen Streb, "New Economic Explanations of the
'Economic Miracles' of National Socialism"
More than half a century after the collapse of the Third Reich, satisfactory
economic explanations for the most important economic processes of the
Nazi period are still lacking. That is why these economic processes are
often christened "miracles" by historians. Recently, however,
a group of German economic historians started the attempt to demystify
these "miracles" with the help of modern economic theory and
econometrics. In this review article, we present both the new methods and
the new results of this research programme to Japanese scholars. In section
2, under the headline "Deformed economic miracle" we analyse
the distorted macroeconomic development of the Third Reich until the outbreak
of the Second World War. In section 3, headed "The 'miracle' of the
armament industry", we show that the Nazis directed the German economy
generally not by compulsion and the threat of violence but by setting adequate
economic incentives which secured the voluntary cooperation of profit-oriented